Obama's Gas Line
By Ralph R. Reiland on 3.1.12 @ 6:05AM
Alas for him, the hikes in gasoline prices are eclipsing his vaunted payroll tax cut.
The Washington politicians were in full self-congratulatory form recently when the Republicans and Democrats in Congress finally displayed a moment of bipartisanship and passed the payroll tax cut extension that keeps in place the two percentage point cut in the tax that funds Social Security.
It's probably the dumbest tax to cut, given that Social Security ran $100 billion in the hole over just the past two years and the official projection from the Social Security and Medicare boards of trustees shows an ever-rising level of red ink: "After 2014, cash deficits are expected to grow rapidly as the number of beneficiaries continues to grow at a substantially faster rate than the number of covered workers."
The White House said the two point cut in the payroll tax will put an extra $80 a month in the take-home pay of people making $50,000 a year, leaving out the part about the level of federal red ink subsequently rising by an extra $93 billion over the next decade.
To the people who responded to President Obama's request and emailed their stories to the White House about how not getting the $80 a month (or $40 per month if you're making $25,000 -- $1.33 a day) would impact their lives, Obama senior adviser David Plouffe, following the enactment of the extension, sent an email to each, saying "We still have a lot of work to do” and attaching a photograph of Obama.
The president said the payroll tax extension would especially help families who are struggling to fill their gas tanks: "It means $40 extra in their paycheck, and that $40 helps to pay the rent, the groceries, the rising cost of gas -- which is on a lot of people's minds right now."
Well, forget about this cut paying the landlord or the food bill.
Just the price increase at the pumps since Obama took office, up from $1.85 per gallon in January 2009 to nearly $4 today, costs an extra $40 on every 20 gallon fill-up.
And as an indication of what might be next, gas prices hit $5.89 for regular in Florida last week and $6.34 in Alaska.
Add a shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran and we'll be back taking a bus to work, except the buses are being mothballed across the country because of money shortages.
State-run Iranian news agency Mehr said last week that "no country" could cope with the shock to oil prices if the strait is closed.
"If the strait was shut, we estimate a $40 to $50 per barrel rise," said Gary Hornby, energy market analyst at Inenco, one of the UK's longest established energy consultancies.
That's nearly a 50 percent jump over the current price. Transferred to the pump, it's a gas price of $6 to $8 per gallon.
The U.S. Energy Information Administration says the average U.S. household purchases 1,100 gallons of gasoline per year. That means the $2 per gallon increase since Obama took office is costing the average family an extra $2,200 a year.
At $6 or $8 per gallon, it's an increase, respectively, of $4,400 or $6,600 per household per year over the cost in January 2009.
And major cutbacks in usage aren't realistic, given that much of our driving is mandatory and there aren't any easy substitutes for gasoline. It's not like switching to tomato juice when a Florida freeze triples the price of orange juice.
Clearly, it's time for Obama to reverse himself on his drilling and pipeline delays and to drop his State of the Union proposal for a $40 billion tax hike on America's oil and gas companies over the next decade.
A Chevy Volt that explodes three days after it's bumped isn't going to do the job.
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To read another article by Ralph R. Reiland, click here.
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To read a related article, click here.
Thursday, March 1, 2012
A Tricky, Twisty Primary Process
A Tricky, Twisty Primary Process
By Quin Hillyer on 3.1.12 @ 6:09AM
As in 1976, this race has a long way to go.
This Republican race for president is looking increasingly like a hybrid of the races of 1976 and 1980. This thing has a long way to go.
In 1976, it was a two-man race. Gerald Ford won eight of the first nine contests, but Ronald Reagan won six of the next ten. Ford then won seven of 12 -- but, as in Michigan this week, several of his wins were nail-biters, with mere four-point wins in Kentucky and Oregon and a one-point squeaker in Tennessee. After each Reagan defeat, the naysayers pronounced him finally vanquished for good, with the establishment Michigan native supposedly firmly in control. (Sound familiar?) Then Reagan would bounce back again, though -- often with the help of crossover votes from conservative Democrats, which he openly welcomed -- and when he won a huge, winner-take-all hoard of 166 delegates in California on June 8 of that year, he entered the summer with, if anything, a narrow delegate lead. Only the power of the White House, with pork and perks to offering wavering delegates, was able to secure President Ford a narrow nomination victory.
In 1980 -- more like this year at the start -- it began as a multi-candidate race, with seven major contestants, plus a never-ending drumbeat from some establishment types for yet another late entrant (in that case, Ford) to make up for the supposed deficiencies of the original filed. Again, this should sound familiar.
But again, just as is happening this year, the contest eventually settled down, for all intents and purposes, into a two-man race: Reagan versus George H.W. Bush, with Ford (like Chris Christie?) still standing in the wings. This has obvious parallels with what really is a two-man battle this year between Mitt Romney and Rick Santorum.
Granted, a third actual candidate, John Anderson, continued to compete quite hard in selected events through the first 13 states in 1980, but after a while he represented no real threat to win the nomination. Newt Gingrich and Ron Paul together are playing that role this year.
Anyway, Bush kept fighting well into May of that year, earning his last primary victory in Michigan (there's that state again!) on May 20.
These historical parallels are appropriate because, for the first time in three decades, party rules (combined with campaign-finance restrictions and opportunities) now actually encourage a lengthy process rather than a quick knock-out. Every pundit this year who rushes to proclaim Romney (or, earlier, Gingrich) the inevitable victor misunderstands the very nature of this race. This is a race in which voters are very engaged, very concerned -- and very willing to change their minds about candidates as the process wears on. Party rules awarding fewer delegates to early-voting states (and thus a greater proportion of delegates awarded late) mean that these changes of mind can have relatively large effects on the ultimate outcome.
The punditry might want a nice, neat narrative, but the voters refuse to provide one. They will continue to refuse. This week we can expect yet another round of "Romney is in the clear" media analysis -- and, as was the case after New Hampshire and after Florida and Nevada, that analysis will be wrong. Romney emerges from Michigan far lower on cash resources than he has ever had, and enters elections in a series of states where he has little or no natural advantages -- and with the stigma not of a solid winner, but merely a hair's-breadth survivor in his own native state.
Here's what is likely to happen going forward. On Saturday, watch as Rick Santorum edges Romney and Paul to win the Washington caucuses and regain a bit of momentum. On Tuesday, Santorum will win Oklahoma easily, will edge Gingrich in Tennessee, will be competitive for the wins in North Dakota and Alaska, will finish second to Gingrich in Georgia, will do pretty well in Idaho, and will be trying to protect a lead in Ohio. Like Reagan did in Texas, Georgia, Indiana, and Nebraska (and later in Arkansas and Idaho) in 1976, Santorum will thus show, again, that he's in it for the long haul, even after suffering losses.
Gingrich, for his part, will indeed win his congressional home state of Georgia, but that will be his last hurrah. He has nowhere else to go. Ron Paul has even less of a path to the nomination.
Then there's Romney. He'll win Virginia, contested only by Paul. He'll win his adult home state of Massachusetts, plus Vermont. And he'll be competitive in Ohio, Idaho, North Dakota, and Alaska.
In short, after Super Tuesday, the two front runners each will have won a significant number of primaries. Romney will enjoy the edge in delegates won, but it will be less of an edge than Ford once owned over Reagan in 1976. Gingrich, if he will finally acknowledge he can't win, could well endorse Santorum and ask his pledged delegates to vote accordingly. If so, it will be this cycle's most significant endorsement yet. And it would mean that Santorum and Romney move forward on a relatively equal playing field -- especially if Santorum follows up with decent showings in following contests in Kansas, Wyoming, the Virgin Islands, or particularly Alabama or Mississippi, which would be ripe for the picking if Gingrich withdraws. Looming in the future will be other Santorum-friendly states such as Pennsylvania, Indiana, North Carolina, West Virginia, Nebraska and Kentucky.
Key battlegrounds, meanwhile, will be Illinois and Louisiana in late March, Wisconsin on April 3, and, tentatively, Texas on May 29. Somehow, Santorum will need to create enough momentum through this process that he makes California and New Jersey on June 5 into competitive events. Conventional wisdom says that both should lean towards Romney, but conventional wisdom is often wrong.
Clearly, Romney is the favorite. Nobody sensible would claim otherwise. But it would be crazy to start planning his coronation. Santorum is likely to dog him all the way into the summer; and the longer his challenge continues, the more Romney's air of inevitability will be fouled. The less he looks like a definite winner, the more he could look like, yes, a loser.
In short, anything could still happen. Because even though Rick Santorum is no Ronald Reagan, Mitt Romney has no power of the Oval Office behind him. The playing field is almost level.
_________________________________________
To read another article by Quin Hillyer, click here.
By Quin Hillyer on 3.1.12 @ 6:09AM
As in 1976, this race has a long way to go.
This Republican race for president is looking increasingly like a hybrid of the races of 1976 and 1980. This thing has a long way to go.
In 1976, it was a two-man race. Gerald Ford won eight of the first nine contests, but Ronald Reagan won six of the next ten. Ford then won seven of 12 -- but, as in Michigan this week, several of his wins were nail-biters, with mere four-point wins in Kentucky and Oregon and a one-point squeaker in Tennessee. After each Reagan defeat, the naysayers pronounced him finally vanquished for good, with the establishment Michigan native supposedly firmly in control. (Sound familiar?) Then Reagan would bounce back again, though -- often with the help of crossover votes from conservative Democrats, which he openly welcomed -- and when he won a huge, winner-take-all hoard of 166 delegates in California on June 8 of that year, he entered the summer with, if anything, a narrow delegate lead. Only the power of the White House, with pork and perks to offering wavering delegates, was able to secure President Ford a narrow nomination victory.
In 1980 -- more like this year at the start -- it began as a multi-candidate race, with seven major contestants, plus a never-ending drumbeat from some establishment types for yet another late entrant (in that case, Ford) to make up for the supposed deficiencies of the original filed. Again, this should sound familiar.
But again, just as is happening this year, the contest eventually settled down, for all intents and purposes, into a two-man race: Reagan versus George H.W. Bush, with Ford (like Chris Christie?) still standing in the wings. This has obvious parallels with what really is a two-man battle this year between Mitt Romney and Rick Santorum.
Granted, a third actual candidate, John Anderson, continued to compete quite hard in selected events through the first 13 states in 1980, but after a while he represented no real threat to win the nomination. Newt Gingrich and Ron Paul together are playing that role this year.
Anyway, Bush kept fighting well into May of that year, earning his last primary victory in Michigan (there's that state again!) on May 20.
These historical parallels are appropriate because, for the first time in three decades, party rules (combined with campaign-finance restrictions and opportunities) now actually encourage a lengthy process rather than a quick knock-out. Every pundit this year who rushes to proclaim Romney (or, earlier, Gingrich) the inevitable victor misunderstands the very nature of this race. This is a race in which voters are very engaged, very concerned -- and very willing to change their minds about candidates as the process wears on. Party rules awarding fewer delegates to early-voting states (and thus a greater proportion of delegates awarded late) mean that these changes of mind can have relatively large effects on the ultimate outcome.
The punditry might want a nice, neat narrative, but the voters refuse to provide one. They will continue to refuse. This week we can expect yet another round of "Romney is in the clear" media analysis -- and, as was the case after New Hampshire and after Florida and Nevada, that analysis will be wrong. Romney emerges from Michigan far lower on cash resources than he has ever had, and enters elections in a series of states where he has little or no natural advantages -- and with the stigma not of a solid winner, but merely a hair's-breadth survivor in his own native state.
Here's what is likely to happen going forward. On Saturday, watch as Rick Santorum edges Romney and Paul to win the Washington caucuses and regain a bit of momentum. On Tuesday, Santorum will win Oklahoma easily, will edge Gingrich in Tennessee, will be competitive for the wins in North Dakota and Alaska, will finish second to Gingrich in Georgia, will do pretty well in Idaho, and will be trying to protect a lead in Ohio. Like Reagan did in Texas, Georgia, Indiana, and Nebraska (and later in Arkansas and Idaho) in 1976, Santorum will thus show, again, that he's in it for the long haul, even after suffering losses.
Gingrich, for his part, will indeed win his congressional home state of Georgia, but that will be his last hurrah. He has nowhere else to go. Ron Paul has even less of a path to the nomination.
Then there's Romney. He'll win Virginia, contested only by Paul. He'll win his adult home state of Massachusetts, plus Vermont. And he'll be competitive in Ohio, Idaho, North Dakota, and Alaska.
In short, after Super Tuesday, the two front runners each will have won a significant number of primaries. Romney will enjoy the edge in delegates won, but it will be less of an edge than Ford once owned over Reagan in 1976. Gingrich, if he will finally acknowledge he can't win, could well endorse Santorum and ask his pledged delegates to vote accordingly. If so, it will be this cycle's most significant endorsement yet. And it would mean that Santorum and Romney move forward on a relatively equal playing field -- especially if Santorum follows up with decent showings in following contests in Kansas, Wyoming, the Virgin Islands, or particularly Alabama or Mississippi, which would be ripe for the picking if Gingrich withdraws. Looming in the future will be other Santorum-friendly states such as Pennsylvania, Indiana, North Carolina, West Virginia, Nebraska and Kentucky.
Key battlegrounds, meanwhile, will be Illinois and Louisiana in late March, Wisconsin on April 3, and, tentatively, Texas on May 29. Somehow, Santorum will need to create enough momentum through this process that he makes California and New Jersey on June 5 into competitive events. Conventional wisdom says that both should lean towards Romney, but conventional wisdom is often wrong.
Clearly, Romney is the favorite. Nobody sensible would claim otherwise. But it would be crazy to start planning his coronation. Santorum is likely to dog him all the way into the summer; and the longer his challenge continues, the more Romney's air of inevitability will be fouled. The less he looks like a definite winner, the more he could look like, yes, a loser.
In short, anything could still happen. Because even though Rick Santorum is no Ronald Reagan, Mitt Romney has no power of the Oval Office behind him. The playing field is almost level.
_________________________________________
To read another article by Quin Hillyer, click here.
Mandating Contraception
Mandating Contraception
By Doug Bandow on 3.1.12 @ 6:06AM
It is bad for policy, bad for liberty, and today the Senate faces a crucial vote.
When the Obama administration effectively nationalized American health care, it took over medical decisions best left to individuals. The administration also subordinated religious liberty to politics. Today the Senate will vote on an amendment to protect people of faith.
Obamacare's chief characteristic is substituting a one-size fits all template for today's imperfect but decentralized system. Washington insists that it knows best for 313 million Americans and intends to impose its will on the recalcitrant. The latest manifestation of Uncle Sam's soft tyranny is the administrative diktat that abortifacients, sterilization, and contraceptives are forms of "preventive" care which must be provided "free" through health insurance.
The requirement is bad public policy. At the behest of doctors, hospitals, and other providers, states impose roughly 2,000 mandates nationwide. Policyholders have to pay more for unwanted benefits even if they would prefer a scaled-down catastrophic plan.
Now Obamacare has put Uncle Sam in the mandate business as well, hence the contraceptives requirement. But this rule demonstrates another problem with government-controlled health "insurance." It no longer is insurance.
The purpose of insurance is to guard against the small risk of a major loss. You buy insurance in case your house burns down, not to cover the cost of mowing your lawn. Insuring against recurrent expenditures under your control significantly raises costs.
Subsidizing contraception could save money by reducing unplanned pregnancies, but that can only be determined in the marketplace, not in a Department of Health and Human Services rulemaking process. If so, insurance companies don't have to be ordered to provide the coverage. Patients also might prefer to prepay medical expenses, even if doing so is more expensive. But then, again, insurers wouldn't have to be ordered to offer coverage. In fact, today the vast majority of insurance policies cover contraception.
The administration rule is an ideological rather than a medical imperative. Contraception, along with abortifacients and sterilization, has become a wedge issue on the feminist Left.
None of the justifications offered for the rule make sense.
Louise Melling, deputy legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union, called the issue a matter of "women's rights." Sen. Patty Murray (D-WA) similarly opined that "We all know how hard the right wing will fight to restrict women's rights."
Yet sexually active men likely are as interested in contraception as women. Why doesn't the administration include coverage for male contraception? Why the blatant discrimination against men?
Of course, men probably prefer that women be the ones using contraceptives and getting sterilized. Indeed, contraception is key for guys hoping "to score," whether in a one-night stand or extended relationship. The availability of contraception and abortion makes it easier for men to enjoy sex without commitment, historically a prime male objective. Ironically, in important ways -- sexually transmitted diseases, for instance -- condoms might be a better health bet for women. The mandate is as much a play for the votes of men as of women.
Contraception is not an essential medical service more important than treatment for breast cancer, leukemia, colon cancer, and Alzheimer's. Or my knee replacement. If contraception should be "free," why not these other far more vital treatments? Why allow deductibles and co-pays to discourage anyone from getting any medical treatment?
Former Maryland Lt. Gov. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend blamed opponents for wanting "to fight about contraception being available for women." Robert Boston of Americans United for Separation of Church and State similarly charged that "the Bishops" want "to personally cut off access" to contraceptives.
In fact, contraceptives are available to all and no one is campaigning to ban the pill, IUD, or condoms. Saying that insurance coverage is necessary for access to contraceptives is like saying insurance coverage is necessary for access to aspirin. Anyone can buy contraceptives today.
White House Press Secretary Jay Carney explained that the administration was committed "to ensuring that women have access to contraception without paying any extra costs." Sen. Claire McCaskill (D-Mo.) declared: "we should try very hard to give women universal access to birth control without going into their pockets." The New York Times cited "an essential principle -- free access to birth control for any woman."
But someone has to pay. The only question is who.
Insurance coverage is not "free." Premiums must rise to cover expanded benefits. Female employees will pay more if their insurance is paying more.
Of course, the mandate also requires the impotent, infertile, gays, sexually inactive, sexually less active, and those opposed to contraception to pay for those who use contraception, especially in abundance. Why should the former be forced to subsidize the latter? Why is this wealth transfer a new national imperative and "right"?
The president declared: "Every woman should be in control of the decisions that affect her health. Period." Quite true. But the way to do that is for women to pay for their own health care and decide what they want their health insurance to cover.
Sen. Murray complained that exempting religious employers would put "employers smack between women and their health care and politics between women and their health care." But she is one of the strongest supporters of turning medical decisions over to Washington, which directly puts "politics between women and their health care."
Putting Uncle Sam in charge of health care is precisely how not to leave women in control of their own medical destinies. Observed Rep. Ann Marie Buerkle (R-NY), "The very essence of the healthcare law is that the government is going to tell you what your healthcare is going to be." Washington is filled with interest groups and their lobbyists, not individual patients and their advocates. There is no reason to believe that Uncle Sam will act in the interests of "women," whatever that is.
In short, the contraception mandate is bad public policy. But it also poses a serious threat to individual liberty and freedom of conscience.
Although a minority Christian position, opposition to contraception is deeply rooted in Catholicism and shared by some fundamentalist Protestants. Many more religious people find abortion abhorrent, though they differ in their view of the "morning-after" pill. To force them to fund such procedures would make them violate some of their most important beliefs.
Alas, for many liberal moderns, it is hard to imagine a legitimate objection to abortion and impossible to respect opposition to contraception or sterilization. These are the people Barack Obama referred to in 2006: "There are some liberals who dismiss religion in the public square as inherently irrational or intolerant, insisting on a caricature of religious Americans that paints them as fanatical."
There are places where even sincere religious faith must give way. Do you believe that a god commands child sacrifice? Too bad. You can't violate the rights of others in the name of religion.
In most cases, however, it is the government that should back off. Demanding that people violate their most sacred commitments ensures social conflict. Unless the interest is genuinely important, it makes little sense for the government to impose its will. Ordering every American to subsidize contraception does not qualify. In this case the simple state of liberty benefits everyone. You want it, you pay for it. You don't want it, you don't pay for it.
But now the government says no to choice. It doesn't matter what you want. Washington will decide for every American. Only small religious operations serving members of the same faith community will be exempt. Even Jesus' ministry -- he healed people who did not follow him -- would not qualify for an exemption.
The mandate has the greatest impact on the Catholic Church, both because it covers contraception and because of the Church's many related institutions, including adoptive and welfare services, nursing homes, charities, and universities. But the rule affects Protestants too, both through churches which self-insure and para-church activities.
This has led to threats of civil disobedience. Said Richard Land, president of the southern Baptist Convention's Ethics and Religious liberty Commission: "We want the law changed, or else we're going to write our letters from the Nashville jail, just like Dr. King wrote his from the Birmingham jail." Rick Warren of Saddleback Church opined that "I'd go to jail rather than cave in to a government mandate that violates what God commands us to do."
Chuck Colson of Prison Fellowship and Timothy George of Samford University called this rule "the greatest threat to religious freedom in our lifetime. They even deployed German minister Martin Niemöller's famous poem: "First they same for the Socialists, and I did not speak out -- because I was not a Socialist. Then they came for the trade unionists … Then they came for me -- and there was no one left to speak for me."
While the Obama administration is an unlikely stand-in for the Nazis, the principle behind its regulation has far-reaching application. Faith-based groups would be punished for their good work. They would have no reasonable "out."
One option would be to violate their beliefs, but those are what impel them to serve others. Other alternatives would be to stop serving people of other faiths or to simply close down.
More likely, religious employers would drop coverage, leaving their workers, estimated at between one and two million nationwide, to scramble for policies in the individual marketplace -- where costs are rising sharply because of Obamacare's other new mandates. Of course, individual employees who object to contraception would have no exemption. Moreover, organizations would face a $2000 per worker penalty for dropping coverage.
Nevertheless, this is the likeliest option for groups serious about their beliefs. Catholic Charities dropped spousal coverage when the District of Columbia mandated coverage for gay partners. Boston's Catholic Charities closed its adoption program after Massachusetts required placement in same-sex homes.
President Barack Obama spoke eloquently about his Christian faith and urged Americans to "honor the conscience of those who disagree" on issues like abortion. Yet all his administration at first was willing to offer was a year delay in the effectiveness date of the regulation, to August 2013. Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius claimed to have struck "the appropriate balance between respecting religious freedom and increasing access to important preventive services." In fact, the rule struck no balance at all. Explained Archbishop Timothy M. Dolan, president of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops: "In effect, the president is saying we have a year to figure out how to violate our consciences."
Even some of the administration's religious allies criticized its insensitivity. Washington Post columnist E.J. Dionne complained that the president tossed "his progressive Catholic allies under the bus." Separately, the Post editorialized that the administration failed to "make an adequate accommodation for those deeply held views."
The president then declared that he had found "a solution that works for everyone." Explained the administration, "Under the new policy to be announced today, women will have free preventive care that includes contraceptive services no matter where she works. The policy also ensures that if a woman works for a religious employer with objections to providing contraceptive services as part of its health plan, the religious employer will not be required to provide, pay for or refer for contraction coverage, but her insurance company will be required to directly offer her contraceptive care free of charge."
The president has prepared the perfect free lunch: everyone will have coverage and no one will have to pay for it. It's a miracle!
If this really is "a solution that works for everyone," then why not expand it? Let companies offer health insurance policies which cover, well, no medical treatments. But force insurance companies nevertheless to cover every malady. Voila: Americans would enjoy comprehensive health care insurance at no cost!
Even under the administration's latest plan someone has to pay. Insurance companies might automatically charge religious organizations a higher premium to cover the added contraception cost for their employees. Or insurers might treat the expense as overhead, spreading it over every insured person, even if they already are paying for policies with contraception coverage. Religious people would still be paying for benefits which they found to be offensive.
Even as the administration turns health care reform into a political tool, its allies are treating religious organizations as the offenders. Robert Boston criticized any definition of religious liberty which "allows your boss to impose his religion on you." Louise Melling of the American Civil Liberties Union announced that the First Amendment "does not give religious groups the right to impose their beliefs on others." University professor Judy Bachrach wailed that she was no longer "living in a free country" because the Catholic Church did not want to have to pay for contraceptives.
Defend yourself from ideological imperialists and you are a theocrat. Where is George Orwell when we need him?
Some administration critics are talking of a war on religion. That may be an exaggeration, but Secretary Sebelius also claimed that "we are in a war," only over women's health. Many of the president's supporters exhibit unbridled hostility to religion. Moreover, the president is using the issue to appeal to his base. He criticized his opponents for treating "this as another political wedge issue," but he made it a political issue.
Government hostility to religion will grow ever more dangerous as the welfare state expands. We live in a diverse society in which Americans have increasingly divergent views of the transcendent. Minimizing social conflict requires compromise, humility, tolerance, and good will on the part of everyone. In a liberal society people need to be able to live out their religious beliefs -- even when those beliefs are unpopular. Yet the more the state seizes control of traditionally private responsibilities, the more the state imposes the beliefs of those in control of the state.
At times religious conservatives have attempted to use government to impose their views, but these days the state is far more likely to be a tool of the Left, with a secularist and paternalist orientation. The government cannot be trusted with issues of faith, whatever the ideological preferences of those in control.
Obamacare is bad public policy. It makes no sense for Uncle Sam to decide on insurance coverage for every American -- forcing Americans to pay for benefits they do not want. It is even worse to order Americans to violate their fundamental religious beliefs in order to satisfy the political interest groups du jour.
The administration's rule might not survive a challenge under both the First Amendment and the federal Religious Freedom Restoration Act. But Congress should grant a religious exemption before the case comes to trial.
Freedom of conscience is the foundation for all human liberty, something that reflects the very nature of the human person. It is not a privilege granted by the state. A limited, constitutional government created to protect individual liberty has an obligation to respect religious beliefs, even -- indeed, especially -- unpopular ones.
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To read another article by Doug Bandow, click here.
By Doug Bandow on 3.1.12 @ 6:06AM
It is bad for policy, bad for liberty, and today the Senate faces a crucial vote.
When the Obama administration effectively nationalized American health care, it took over medical decisions best left to individuals. The administration also subordinated religious liberty to politics. Today the Senate will vote on an amendment to protect people of faith.
Obamacare's chief characteristic is substituting a one-size fits all template for today's imperfect but decentralized system. Washington insists that it knows best for 313 million Americans and intends to impose its will on the recalcitrant. The latest manifestation of Uncle Sam's soft tyranny is the administrative diktat that abortifacients, sterilization, and contraceptives are forms of "preventive" care which must be provided "free" through health insurance.
The requirement is bad public policy. At the behest of doctors, hospitals, and other providers, states impose roughly 2,000 mandates nationwide. Policyholders have to pay more for unwanted benefits even if they would prefer a scaled-down catastrophic plan.
Now Obamacare has put Uncle Sam in the mandate business as well, hence the contraceptives requirement. But this rule demonstrates another problem with government-controlled health "insurance." It no longer is insurance.
The purpose of insurance is to guard against the small risk of a major loss. You buy insurance in case your house burns down, not to cover the cost of mowing your lawn. Insuring against recurrent expenditures under your control significantly raises costs.
Subsidizing contraception could save money by reducing unplanned pregnancies, but that can only be determined in the marketplace, not in a Department of Health and Human Services rulemaking process. If so, insurance companies don't have to be ordered to provide the coverage. Patients also might prefer to prepay medical expenses, even if doing so is more expensive. But then, again, insurers wouldn't have to be ordered to offer coverage. In fact, today the vast majority of insurance policies cover contraception.
The administration rule is an ideological rather than a medical imperative. Contraception, along with abortifacients and sterilization, has become a wedge issue on the feminist Left.
None of the justifications offered for the rule make sense.
Louise Melling, deputy legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union, called the issue a matter of "women's rights." Sen. Patty Murray (D-WA) similarly opined that "We all know how hard the right wing will fight to restrict women's rights."
Yet sexually active men likely are as interested in contraception as women. Why doesn't the administration include coverage for male contraception? Why the blatant discrimination against men?
Of course, men probably prefer that women be the ones using contraceptives and getting sterilized. Indeed, contraception is key for guys hoping "to score," whether in a one-night stand or extended relationship. The availability of contraception and abortion makes it easier for men to enjoy sex without commitment, historically a prime male objective. Ironically, in important ways -- sexually transmitted diseases, for instance -- condoms might be a better health bet for women. The mandate is as much a play for the votes of men as of women.
Contraception is not an essential medical service more important than treatment for breast cancer, leukemia, colon cancer, and Alzheimer's. Or my knee replacement. If contraception should be "free," why not these other far more vital treatments? Why allow deductibles and co-pays to discourage anyone from getting any medical treatment?
Former Maryland Lt. Gov. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend blamed opponents for wanting "to fight about contraception being available for women." Robert Boston of Americans United for Separation of Church and State similarly charged that "the Bishops" want "to personally cut off access" to contraceptives.
In fact, contraceptives are available to all and no one is campaigning to ban the pill, IUD, or condoms. Saying that insurance coverage is necessary for access to contraceptives is like saying insurance coverage is necessary for access to aspirin. Anyone can buy contraceptives today.
White House Press Secretary Jay Carney explained that the administration was committed "to ensuring that women have access to contraception without paying any extra costs." Sen. Claire McCaskill (D-Mo.) declared: "we should try very hard to give women universal access to birth control without going into their pockets." The New York Times cited "an essential principle -- free access to birth control for any woman."
But someone has to pay. The only question is who.
Insurance coverage is not "free." Premiums must rise to cover expanded benefits. Female employees will pay more if their insurance is paying more.
Of course, the mandate also requires the impotent, infertile, gays, sexually inactive, sexually less active, and those opposed to contraception to pay for those who use contraception, especially in abundance. Why should the former be forced to subsidize the latter? Why is this wealth transfer a new national imperative and "right"?
The president declared: "Every woman should be in control of the decisions that affect her health. Period." Quite true. But the way to do that is for women to pay for their own health care and decide what they want their health insurance to cover.
Sen. Murray complained that exempting religious employers would put "employers smack between women and their health care and politics between women and their health care." But she is one of the strongest supporters of turning medical decisions over to Washington, which directly puts "politics between women and their health care."
Putting Uncle Sam in charge of health care is precisely how not to leave women in control of their own medical destinies. Observed Rep. Ann Marie Buerkle (R-NY), "The very essence of the healthcare law is that the government is going to tell you what your healthcare is going to be." Washington is filled with interest groups and their lobbyists, not individual patients and their advocates. There is no reason to believe that Uncle Sam will act in the interests of "women," whatever that is.
In short, the contraception mandate is bad public policy. But it also poses a serious threat to individual liberty and freedom of conscience.
Although a minority Christian position, opposition to contraception is deeply rooted in Catholicism and shared by some fundamentalist Protestants. Many more religious people find abortion abhorrent, though they differ in their view of the "morning-after" pill. To force them to fund such procedures would make them violate some of their most important beliefs.
Alas, for many liberal moderns, it is hard to imagine a legitimate objection to abortion and impossible to respect opposition to contraception or sterilization. These are the people Barack Obama referred to in 2006: "There are some liberals who dismiss religion in the public square as inherently irrational or intolerant, insisting on a caricature of religious Americans that paints them as fanatical."
There are places where even sincere religious faith must give way. Do you believe that a god commands child sacrifice? Too bad. You can't violate the rights of others in the name of religion.
In most cases, however, it is the government that should back off. Demanding that people violate their most sacred commitments ensures social conflict. Unless the interest is genuinely important, it makes little sense for the government to impose its will. Ordering every American to subsidize contraception does not qualify. In this case the simple state of liberty benefits everyone. You want it, you pay for it. You don't want it, you don't pay for it.
But now the government says no to choice. It doesn't matter what you want. Washington will decide for every American. Only small religious operations serving members of the same faith community will be exempt. Even Jesus' ministry -- he healed people who did not follow him -- would not qualify for an exemption.
The mandate has the greatest impact on the Catholic Church, both because it covers contraception and because of the Church's many related institutions, including adoptive and welfare services, nursing homes, charities, and universities. But the rule affects Protestants too, both through churches which self-insure and para-church activities.
This has led to threats of civil disobedience. Said Richard Land, president of the southern Baptist Convention's Ethics and Religious liberty Commission: "We want the law changed, or else we're going to write our letters from the Nashville jail, just like Dr. King wrote his from the Birmingham jail." Rick Warren of Saddleback Church opined that "I'd go to jail rather than cave in to a government mandate that violates what God commands us to do."
Chuck Colson of Prison Fellowship and Timothy George of Samford University called this rule "the greatest threat to religious freedom in our lifetime. They even deployed German minister Martin Niemöller's famous poem: "First they same for the Socialists, and I did not speak out -- because I was not a Socialist. Then they came for the trade unionists … Then they came for me -- and there was no one left to speak for me."
While the Obama administration is an unlikely stand-in for the Nazis, the principle behind its regulation has far-reaching application. Faith-based groups would be punished for their good work. They would have no reasonable "out."
One option would be to violate their beliefs, but those are what impel them to serve others. Other alternatives would be to stop serving people of other faiths or to simply close down.
More likely, religious employers would drop coverage, leaving their workers, estimated at between one and two million nationwide, to scramble for policies in the individual marketplace -- where costs are rising sharply because of Obamacare's other new mandates. Of course, individual employees who object to contraception would have no exemption. Moreover, organizations would face a $2000 per worker penalty for dropping coverage.
Nevertheless, this is the likeliest option for groups serious about their beliefs. Catholic Charities dropped spousal coverage when the District of Columbia mandated coverage for gay partners. Boston's Catholic Charities closed its adoption program after Massachusetts required placement in same-sex homes.
President Barack Obama spoke eloquently about his Christian faith and urged Americans to "honor the conscience of those who disagree" on issues like abortion. Yet all his administration at first was willing to offer was a year delay in the effectiveness date of the regulation, to August 2013. Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius claimed to have struck "the appropriate balance between respecting religious freedom and increasing access to important preventive services." In fact, the rule struck no balance at all. Explained Archbishop Timothy M. Dolan, president of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops: "In effect, the president is saying we have a year to figure out how to violate our consciences."
Even some of the administration's religious allies criticized its insensitivity. Washington Post columnist E.J. Dionne complained that the president tossed "his progressive Catholic allies under the bus." Separately, the Post editorialized that the administration failed to "make an adequate accommodation for those deeply held views."
The president then declared that he had found "a solution that works for everyone." Explained the administration, "Under the new policy to be announced today, women will have free preventive care that includes contraceptive services no matter where she works. The policy also ensures that if a woman works for a religious employer with objections to providing contraceptive services as part of its health plan, the religious employer will not be required to provide, pay for or refer for contraction coverage, but her insurance company will be required to directly offer her contraceptive care free of charge."
The president has prepared the perfect free lunch: everyone will have coverage and no one will have to pay for it. It's a miracle!
If this really is "a solution that works for everyone," then why not expand it? Let companies offer health insurance policies which cover, well, no medical treatments. But force insurance companies nevertheless to cover every malady. Voila: Americans would enjoy comprehensive health care insurance at no cost!
Even under the administration's latest plan someone has to pay. Insurance companies might automatically charge religious organizations a higher premium to cover the added contraception cost for their employees. Or insurers might treat the expense as overhead, spreading it over every insured person, even if they already are paying for policies with contraception coverage. Religious people would still be paying for benefits which they found to be offensive.
Even as the administration turns health care reform into a political tool, its allies are treating religious organizations as the offenders. Robert Boston criticized any definition of religious liberty which "allows your boss to impose his religion on you." Louise Melling of the American Civil Liberties Union announced that the First Amendment "does not give religious groups the right to impose their beliefs on others." University professor Judy Bachrach wailed that she was no longer "living in a free country" because the Catholic Church did not want to have to pay for contraceptives.
Defend yourself from ideological imperialists and you are a theocrat. Where is George Orwell when we need him?
Some administration critics are talking of a war on religion. That may be an exaggeration, but Secretary Sebelius also claimed that "we are in a war," only over women's health. Many of the president's supporters exhibit unbridled hostility to religion. Moreover, the president is using the issue to appeal to his base. He criticized his opponents for treating "this as another political wedge issue," but he made it a political issue.
Government hostility to religion will grow ever more dangerous as the welfare state expands. We live in a diverse society in which Americans have increasingly divergent views of the transcendent. Minimizing social conflict requires compromise, humility, tolerance, and good will on the part of everyone. In a liberal society people need to be able to live out their religious beliefs -- even when those beliefs are unpopular. Yet the more the state seizes control of traditionally private responsibilities, the more the state imposes the beliefs of those in control of the state.
At times religious conservatives have attempted to use government to impose their views, but these days the state is far more likely to be a tool of the Left, with a secularist and paternalist orientation. The government cannot be trusted with issues of faith, whatever the ideological preferences of those in control.
Obamacare is bad public policy. It makes no sense for Uncle Sam to decide on insurance coverage for every American -- forcing Americans to pay for benefits they do not want. It is even worse to order Americans to violate their fundamental religious beliefs in order to satisfy the political interest groups du jour.
The administration's rule might not survive a challenge under both the First Amendment and the federal Religious Freedom Restoration Act. But Congress should grant a religious exemption before the case comes to trial.
Freedom of conscience is the foundation for all human liberty, something that reflects the very nature of the human person. It is not a privilege granted by the state. A limited, constitutional government created to protect individual liberty has an obligation to respect religious beliefs, even -- indeed, especially -- unpopular ones.
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To read another article by Doug Bandow, click here.
Andrew Breitbart: Bulldog for the Cause
Andrew Breitbart: Bulldog for the Cause
March 01, 2012
Rush Limbaugh Show
BEGIN TRANSCRIPT
RUSH: A few words about Andrew Breitbart. I've known Andrew Breitbart since the 1990s when he was working with Matt Drudge to help produce that page, the Drudge Report, each and every day. He grew up in West Los Angeles, surrounded by liberals, father-in-law Orson Bean, the comedian. Sometime during the 1990s, the early nineties, Breitbart had an awakening. He was constantly questioning what was all around him, which was really extreme liberalism, and he became, as many of you in the audience know, a bulldog. He literally was an indefatigable bulldog for the conservative cause. He did things that nobody else has done on the Internet where there are a lot of players. He accomplished quite a lot, much more than a lot of people.
A lot of people get into the business for a number of reasons. His was to effect change. He really sought to effect change above everything else. A lot of people get into it to make a name for themselves. He was about that, too, of course, but he really was about effecting change, and he did on numerous occasions with ACORN, Anthony Weiner, Shirley Sherrod, just to name three of his most famous examples. But he was a bulldog. He was walking outside his home in his neighborhood in Brentwood just after midnight, keeled over. People had talked to him two hours prior, he sounded perfectly fine. They're shocked. Family's stunned. I mean there were some reports of health problems, but there was no indication of this.
So everybody's in a state of shock today trying to make sense of it. And when something like this happens to somebody a lot of people know at a very young age, you could say he died too young by half, he's 43, life expectancy in the early eighties. You're reminded once again, it's become a cliche but it's worth mentioning. You only get one life, and most people don't get as much out of it as they could. Human nature. And one of the reasons that most people don't get the most out of their lives that they can is they can't stop thinking about themselves. And the more you think about yourself the more depressed you're gonna get. Human nature. The more you think about yourself, the less you are aware of things going on outside your sphere. It's hard not to do that, and Breitbart did that.
Breitbart was outside himself in all of his quests. When I say indefatigable, I never heard of him sleeping. I know he did, but he was constantly on the go. He was also a grateful guy and very thoughtful. He was a guest at our wedding in 2010, and about two months prior he sent Cookie a note, wanted to know if she knew who one of my most inspirational figures was. She told him. He presented us with a classic painting of Ronald Reagan, and every year since, every birthday, three birthdays, he has sent me a giant painting, a different rendering of the American flag.
It's a very sad thing to see this happen. And I've been made aware that some of the leftists on Twitter and other blog sites are filled with an unspeakable callous and coarse mean-spiritedness today. When I heard about it I went to some of these sites and I read some of the tweets, some of them from well-known left-wing journalists, Slate.com, you would not believe it, I'm struck. What is there to compromise with these people? Where is the area for compromise with these people? I mean it is really vicious stuff, which, in the end he would have loved and was a testament to his effectiveness and how effective he was.
Even today, the AP in their story/obit of Andrew Breitbart misrepresents him, even in death. And maybe fittingly, given his quest in life, this AP article is a textbook example of the kind of outrageous mendacity in the news media today that he fought against. Even in death the AP cannot refrain from lying about him and misrepresenting him. They treat his posting of the Shirley Sherrod video clip as one of the highlights of his career only in order to use it against him. But Breitbart's clip did not misrepresent her views.
The clip that he posted -- he had the Big Government websites, Big Journalism websites -- the clip that he posted of Shirley Sherrod contained enough of her comments that any fair-minded viewer would realize she was telling the audience about her previous prejudices. This was the case involving all of the mythical black farmers that were signed up for a giant government payout. She and her husband were in on that, and so many of them were not qualified to receive the payment. They all got the payment on the basis of past racism and bigotry and all of this. He exposed Shirley Sherrod, just as he exposed Anthony Weiner's photos, or Anthony's Weiner photos, he exposed 'em. Where's Weiner today? He's walking the baby to the dry cleaners in Queens.
Then there was ACORN. Remember the James O'Keefe videos. That was Andrew Breitbart. They went walking in portraying a pimp and a prostitute looking for ways to scam the system, and there was ACORN telling 'em how to do it. All caught on tape. It caused ACORN to theoretically shut down, and change their name and come back to life as a bunch of separate organizations. The AP article damns Andrew Breitbart with faint praise. It describes him as "an outspoken critic of the mainstream media but was lionized by his fans for his efforts at exposing government corruption and media bias." Now, was he only lionized by his fans?
Wouldn't you think that real-life journalists would applaud Breitbart's efforts to expose government corruption and media bias? I mean, what does the media claim to exist to do? To hold the powerful accountable! "Speak truth to power," is that the phrase? Well, the mainstream media has become part of the power. When that power is held by the Democrat Party, the mainstream media covers up the corruption. He was exposing it. He did more and greater work than Woodward and Bernstein! He should have been one of their heroes. But he wasn't. He should have been given the same kind of hero worship that Woodward and Bernstein have gotten. And unlike the work of Woodward and Bernstein, Breitbart's investigations were actually truthful.
Now, at the bottom of the article, the AP notes that, quote, "Breitbart's websites also featured a 2009 hidden-camera sting video that brought embarrassment to the community group ACORN. The videos show ACORN staffers offering advice on taxes and other issues to actors posing as a prostitute and pimp," close quote, which is another blatant misrepresentation. We all know that those ACORN staffers were doing more than "offering advice on taxes and other issues." Why else would they have been fired? They were all fired in humiliating disgrace. Why did ACORN lose its funding? Why was it disbanded, and then rebranded and put back together?
Because of Andrew Breitbart.
All in all, this AP article just goes to show that the country desperately needs another thousand more Andrew Breitbarts, if you ask me. He was something. Constantly on the go. Constantly revved up. He was at Tea Party event. He went to CPAC. He would even occasionally go to breakfast meetings of various Republican members of Congress, sit with them and discuss strategy, the way to effectively advance ideas and be victorious. You know, all of us are unique. It's true to say that there will never be another Andrew Breitbart. There will never be another anybody because we're all unique. I hope that the people who worked with him can maintain the tradition, the energy, and the effectiveness that his websites all were after his passing.
I know they're going to try, and I know they'll do it with a sense of honor, duty, and devotion to Breitbart as well as the fact they love it, too. It's just really a sad thing. Everybody is totally taken by surprise, as I say. He was on the phone with people two hours before he died. Nobody knew that anything was wrong. Now, he'd had some health problems. People knew that. But there was no terminal diagnosis involved here. There was no ongoing illness that people were aware of. There were some health problems, but nothing that indicated anything like this. Except maybe to people very close to him. Who knows?
But at ten o'clock last night people were talking to him on the phone and two hours later he keels over on the sidewalk in his neighborhood in Brentwood. He'll be missed by a lot of people. I will say one thing that happened to him. The Pigford thing. That was the Shirley Sherrod case. That was the USDA. The Pigford settlement. This is where all those black farmers scored big on the federal government for past discrimination way, way back. They just tried to find as many people as they could that had never been farmers; family had never been farmers. It was one of his highlights of his career. But I noted change in him over the years, and I think this is a life lesson.
Over the years, the whole thing he was involved in seemed to lose some of the fun factor as the intensity and the seriousness of it picked up. And this loops back to the notion that we all only have one life. I hope that that didn't have anything to do with it. I mean, he was very intense. He was profoundly intense, and at times he'd get very mad, very angry -- as we all do -- and very frustrated. Everybody wants to matter. Everybody wants to be effective. He was far more effective than he probably ever dreamed, but probably wanted to be even more so. So let's hope that the people who were around him, who were inspired by him, can keep his work going as though he were still there.
'Cause that work is crucially important to a lot of people on the conservative side. As I say: Remember, now, he grew up in West LA. He grew up surround by liberals. He told me. We interviewed him here for his book. We interviewed him for the Limbaugh Letter. He described the process that he took, or that occurred to him as he began to question some of this stuff that just been inculcated, drilled into him from the time he was born. He began to question it. A lot of it didn't make sense. And then one day, a big burst of reality hit, and his life changed forever. Andrew Breitbart was 43 years old and he's going to be missed by everybody who knew him.
END TRANSCRIPT
____________________________________________
To read another transcript from a Rush Limbaugh Show, click here.
____________________________________________
To read more about Andrew Breitbart's passing, click here.
March 01, 2012
Rush Limbaugh Show
BEGIN TRANSCRIPT
RUSH: A few words about Andrew Breitbart. I've known Andrew Breitbart since the 1990s when he was working with Matt Drudge to help produce that page, the Drudge Report, each and every day. He grew up in West Los Angeles, surrounded by liberals, father-in-law Orson Bean, the comedian. Sometime during the 1990s, the early nineties, Breitbart had an awakening. He was constantly questioning what was all around him, which was really extreme liberalism, and he became, as many of you in the audience know, a bulldog. He literally was an indefatigable bulldog for the conservative cause. He did things that nobody else has done on the Internet where there are a lot of players. He accomplished quite a lot, much more than a lot of people.
A lot of people get into the business for a number of reasons. His was to effect change. He really sought to effect change above everything else. A lot of people get into it to make a name for themselves. He was about that, too, of course, but he really was about effecting change, and he did on numerous occasions with ACORN, Anthony Weiner, Shirley Sherrod, just to name three of his most famous examples. But he was a bulldog. He was walking outside his home in his neighborhood in Brentwood just after midnight, keeled over. People had talked to him two hours prior, he sounded perfectly fine. They're shocked. Family's stunned. I mean there were some reports of health problems, but there was no indication of this.
So everybody's in a state of shock today trying to make sense of it. And when something like this happens to somebody a lot of people know at a very young age, you could say he died too young by half, he's 43, life expectancy in the early eighties. You're reminded once again, it's become a cliche but it's worth mentioning. You only get one life, and most people don't get as much out of it as they could. Human nature. And one of the reasons that most people don't get the most out of their lives that they can is they can't stop thinking about themselves. And the more you think about yourself the more depressed you're gonna get. Human nature. The more you think about yourself, the less you are aware of things going on outside your sphere. It's hard not to do that, and Breitbart did that.
Breitbart was outside himself in all of his quests. When I say indefatigable, I never heard of him sleeping. I know he did, but he was constantly on the go. He was also a grateful guy and very thoughtful. He was a guest at our wedding in 2010, and about two months prior he sent Cookie a note, wanted to know if she knew who one of my most inspirational figures was. She told him. He presented us with a classic painting of Ronald Reagan, and every year since, every birthday, three birthdays, he has sent me a giant painting, a different rendering of the American flag.
It's a very sad thing to see this happen. And I've been made aware that some of the leftists on Twitter and other blog sites are filled with an unspeakable callous and coarse mean-spiritedness today. When I heard about it I went to some of these sites and I read some of the tweets, some of them from well-known left-wing journalists, Slate.com, you would not believe it, I'm struck. What is there to compromise with these people? Where is the area for compromise with these people? I mean it is really vicious stuff, which, in the end he would have loved and was a testament to his effectiveness and how effective he was.
Even today, the AP in their story/obit of Andrew Breitbart misrepresents him, even in death. And maybe fittingly, given his quest in life, this AP article is a textbook example of the kind of outrageous mendacity in the news media today that he fought against. Even in death the AP cannot refrain from lying about him and misrepresenting him. They treat his posting of the Shirley Sherrod video clip as one of the highlights of his career only in order to use it against him. But Breitbart's clip did not misrepresent her views.
The clip that he posted -- he had the Big Government websites, Big Journalism websites -- the clip that he posted of Shirley Sherrod contained enough of her comments that any fair-minded viewer would realize she was telling the audience about her previous prejudices. This was the case involving all of the mythical black farmers that were signed up for a giant government payout. She and her husband were in on that, and so many of them were not qualified to receive the payment. They all got the payment on the basis of past racism and bigotry and all of this. He exposed Shirley Sherrod, just as he exposed Anthony Weiner's photos, or Anthony's Weiner photos, he exposed 'em. Where's Weiner today? He's walking the baby to the dry cleaners in Queens.
Then there was ACORN. Remember the James O'Keefe videos. That was Andrew Breitbart. They went walking in portraying a pimp and a prostitute looking for ways to scam the system, and there was ACORN telling 'em how to do it. All caught on tape. It caused ACORN to theoretically shut down, and change their name and come back to life as a bunch of separate organizations. The AP article damns Andrew Breitbart with faint praise. It describes him as "an outspoken critic of the mainstream media but was lionized by his fans for his efforts at exposing government corruption and media bias." Now, was he only lionized by his fans?
Wouldn't you think that real-life journalists would applaud Breitbart's efforts to expose government corruption and media bias? I mean, what does the media claim to exist to do? To hold the powerful accountable! "Speak truth to power," is that the phrase? Well, the mainstream media has become part of the power. When that power is held by the Democrat Party, the mainstream media covers up the corruption. He was exposing it. He did more and greater work than Woodward and Bernstein! He should have been one of their heroes. But he wasn't. He should have been given the same kind of hero worship that Woodward and Bernstein have gotten. And unlike the work of Woodward and Bernstein, Breitbart's investigations were actually truthful.
Now, at the bottom of the article, the AP notes that, quote, "Breitbart's websites also featured a 2009 hidden-camera sting video that brought embarrassment to the community group ACORN. The videos show ACORN staffers offering advice on taxes and other issues to actors posing as a prostitute and pimp," close quote, which is another blatant misrepresentation. We all know that those ACORN staffers were doing more than "offering advice on taxes and other issues." Why else would they have been fired? They were all fired in humiliating disgrace. Why did ACORN lose its funding? Why was it disbanded, and then rebranded and put back together?
Because of Andrew Breitbart.
All in all, this AP article just goes to show that the country desperately needs another thousand more Andrew Breitbarts, if you ask me. He was something. Constantly on the go. Constantly revved up. He was at Tea Party event. He went to CPAC. He would even occasionally go to breakfast meetings of various Republican members of Congress, sit with them and discuss strategy, the way to effectively advance ideas and be victorious. You know, all of us are unique. It's true to say that there will never be another Andrew Breitbart. There will never be another anybody because we're all unique. I hope that the people who worked with him can maintain the tradition, the energy, and the effectiveness that his websites all were after his passing.
I know they're going to try, and I know they'll do it with a sense of honor, duty, and devotion to Breitbart as well as the fact they love it, too. It's just really a sad thing. Everybody is totally taken by surprise, as I say. He was on the phone with people two hours before he died. Nobody knew that anything was wrong. Now, he'd had some health problems. People knew that. But there was no terminal diagnosis involved here. There was no ongoing illness that people were aware of. There were some health problems, but nothing that indicated anything like this. Except maybe to people very close to him. Who knows?
But at ten o'clock last night people were talking to him on the phone and two hours later he keels over on the sidewalk in his neighborhood in Brentwood. He'll be missed by a lot of people. I will say one thing that happened to him. The Pigford thing. That was the Shirley Sherrod case. That was the USDA. The Pigford settlement. This is where all those black farmers scored big on the federal government for past discrimination way, way back. They just tried to find as many people as they could that had never been farmers; family had never been farmers. It was one of his highlights of his career. But I noted change in him over the years, and I think this is a life lesson.
Over the years, the whole thing he was involved in seemed to lose some of the fun factor as the intensity and the seriousness of it picked up. And this loops back to the notion that we all only have one life. I hope that that didn't have anything to do with it. I mean, he was very intense. He was profoundly intense, and at times he'd get very mad, very angry -- as we all do -- and very frustrated. Everybody wants to matter. Everybody wants to be effective. He was far more effective than he probably ever dreamed, but probably wanted to be even more so. So let's hope that the people who were around him, who were inspired by him, can keep his work going as though he were still there.
'Cause that work is crucially important to a lot of people on the conservative side. As I say: Remember, now, he grew up in West LA. He grew up surround by liberals. He told me. We interviewed him here for his book. We interviewed him for the Limbaugh Letter. He described the process that he took, or that occurred to him as he began to question some of this stuff that just been inculcated, drilled into him from the time he was born. He began to question it. A lot of it didn't make sense. And then one day, a big burst of reality hit, and his life changed forever. Andrew Breitbart was 43 years old and he's going to be missed by everybody who knew him.
END TRANSCRIPT
____________________________________________
To read another transcript from a Rush Limbaugh Show, click here.
____________________________________________
To read more about Andrew Breitbart's passing, click here.
Sebelius and the death spiral
Sebelius and the death spiral
Going down the Big Government drain.
by John Hayward
03/01/2012
On Tuesday, Congressman Peter Roskam (R-Ill.) of the House Ways & Means Committee had the chance to ask Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius about President Obama’s infamous promise that “if you like your existing health care coverage, you can keep it.” Roskam noted that certainly doesn’t seem to be the case under ObamaCare, where a rising tide of businesses have chosen not to offer medical coverage to their employees. You can’t keep a plan that no longer exists, no matter how much you might have liked it.
Sebelius replied, “Well again, Congressman, what you’re seeing… It wouldn’t have mattered if we had passed the Affordable Care Act or not. The private market is in a death spiral.”
As Daniel Halper of the Weekly Standard noted, this is objectively untrue, and while a mere 9 percent of businesses might have blown their ejector seats to escape from ObamaCare thus far, it’s going to get a lot worse.
Sebelius's testimony directly contradicts a McKinsey study released last year. "At least 30 percent of employers are likely to stop offering health insurance once provisions of the U.S. health care reform law kick in in 2014, according to a study by consultant McKinsey," Reuters reported. "McKinsey, which based its projection on a survey of more than 1,300 employers of various sizes and industries and other proprietary research, found that 30 percent of employers will 'definitely' or 'probably' stop offering coverage in the years after 2014, when new medical insurance exchanges are supposed to be up and running."
Well, at least we’ve got that to look forward to. We can mitigate the economic damage a bit, if we’ve got President Obama’s algae-based fuel refineries and car engines up and running by then.
Sebelius is a fine one to talk about “death spirals.” ObamaCare has been in one since the moment of its passage. Quite a few of its tentacles have rotted and fallen away. Remember the 1099 reporting requirement, designed to squeeze extra tax revenue out of the private sector by compelling small businesses to fill out oceans of tax paperwork for all of their purchases? It would have increased the number of 1099 forms filed each year by two thousand percent. It was killed with a bipartisan vote that collected a 70 percent majority in the House. There went $17 billion of ObamaCare funding!
What about the Independent Payment Advisory Board, aka the "death panel?" That's the unaccountable bureaucracy designed to keep ObamaCare's costs down by rationing medical care. A bill to abolish the IPAB just cleared the House Energy and Commerce Health Subcommittee on a 17-5 vote, with two Democrats voting in favor. The subcommittee chairman, Rep. Joe Pitts (R-Penn.), described the IPAB as "the exact opposite of transparency and accountability." But how is ObamaCare supposed to function without its rationing bureaucracy? You rip out the death panel, sparks fly, and the whole damn contraption goes into a tailspin.
Or how about the CLASS Act? That was a ridiculous accounting trick, designed to make ObamaCare look less expensive by front-loading premiums for long-term care, and just sort of pretending the immense ongoing costs didn’t exist. It masked ObamaCare’s impact on the deficit by raking in five years’ worth of income before paying out any benefits… and then it would have turned into a fiscal H-bomb. The House just voted to repeal it a couple of weeks ago, 267-159, including 28 Democrats. Over in the Senate, Democrat Budget Committee Chairman Kent Conrad called the CLASS Act “a Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing that Bernie Madoff would have been proud of.”
Even the Administration eventually had to admit the program would be unsustainable unless absurd numbers of healthy people bought into it. “Despite our best analytical efforts, I do not see a viable path forward for CLASS implementation at this time,” said none other than Kathleen Sebelius. There went $70 billion of ObamaCare’s “cost savings!”
Speaking of Our Lady of the Death Spiral, she’s the one who was compelled to admit, under intense Congressional grilling, that ObamaCare double-counted half a trillion dollars in Medicare funding.
“There is an issue here on the budget because your own actuary has said you can’t double-count,” Rep. John Shimkus (R-Ill.) told Sebelius, in reference to a hefty sum that was simultaneously supposed to prop up Medicare and fund ObamaCare. “What’s the $500 billion in cuts for? Preserving Medicare or funding the health-care law?” Sebelius replied,“Both.”
In fairness to the HHS secretary, that sort of accounting trickery is fairly common in the cobwebbed halls of the Big Government haunted house. It becomes more common as the government grows. But ObamaCare is a particularly powerful mixture of exploding costs, allegedly unanticipated consequences, and unsustainable open-ended commitments. At the time of its passage, it was supposed to reduce the deficit by a few hundred billion; now the projected ten-year costs are well over a trillion dollars, according to very conservative Congressional Budget Office estimates.
And that’s just one part of the government’s trillion-dollar deficit portfolio, as we soar past $16 trillion in accumulated debt, and make a strong bid to blow past $20 trillion long before the end of this decade. Interest on that debt currently consumes nearly half of the government’s revenue from personal income taxes, and those outlays will more than triple over the next ten years, even assuming interest rates don’t explode.
When House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan recently discussed national debt projections with Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner, he had to point out that according to current CBO projections, the entire U.S. economy simply “shuts down in 2027” under the weight of government debt.
Now that’s what I call a death spiral!
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To read another article by John Hayward, click here.
Going down the Big Government drain.
by John Hayward
03/01/2012
On Tuesday, Congressman Peter Roskam (R-Ill.) of the House Ways & Means Committee had the chance to ask Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius about President Obama’s infamous promise that “if you like your existing health care coverage, you can keep it.” Roskam noted that certainly doesn’t seem to be the case under ObamaCare, where a rising tide of businesses have chosen not to offer medical coverage to their employees. You can’t keep a plan that no longer exists, no matter how much you might have liked it.
Sebelius replied, “Well again, Congressman, what you’re seeing… It wouldn’t have mattered if we had passed the Affordable Care Act or not. The private market is in a death spiral.”
As Daniel Halper of the Weekly Standard noted, this is objectively untrue, and while a mere 9 percent of businesses might have blown their ejector seats to escape from ObamaCare thus far, it’s going to get a lot worse.
Sebelius's testimony directly contradicts a McKinsey study released last year. "At least 30 percent of employers are likely to stop offering health insurance once provisions of the U.S. health care reform law kick in in 2014, according to a study by consultant McKinsey," Reuters reported. "McKinsey, which based its projection on a survey of more than 1,300 employers of various sizes and industries and other proprietary research, found that 30 percent of employers will 'definitely' or 'probably' stop offering coverage in the years after 2014, when new medical insurance exchanges are supposed to be up and running."
Well, at least we’ve got that to look forward to. We can mitigate the economic damage a bit, if we’ve got President Obama’s algae-based fuel refineries and car engines up and running by then.
Sebelius is a fine one to talk about “death spirals.” ObamaCare has been in one since the moment of its passage. Quite a few of its tentacles have rotted and fallen away. Remember the 1099 reporting requirement, designed to squeeze extra tax revenue out of the private sector by compelling small businesses to fill out oceans of tax paperwork for all of their purchases? It would have increased the number of 1099 forms filed each year by two thousand percent. It was killed with a bipartisan vote that collected a 70 percent majority in the House. There went $17 billion of ObamaCare funding!
What about the Independent Payment Advisory Board, aka the "death panel?" That's the unaccountable bureaucracy designed to keep ObamaCare's costs down by rationing medical care. A bill to abolish the IPAB just cleared the House Energy and Commerce Health Subcommittee on a 17-5 vote, with two Democrats voting in favor. The subcommittee chairman, Rep. Joe Pitts (R-Penn.), described the IPAB as "the exact opposite of transparency and accountability." But how is ObamaCare supposed to function without its rationing bureaucracy? You rip out the death panel, sparks fly, and the whole damn contraption goes into a tailspin.
Or how about the CLASS Act? That was a ridiculous accounting trick, designed to make ObamaCare look less expensive by front-loading premiums for long-term care, and just sort of pretending the immense ongoing costs didn’t exist. It masked ObamaCare’s impact on the deficit by raking in five years’ worth of income before paying out any benefits… and then it would have turned into a fiscal H-bomb. The House just voted to repeal it a couple of weeks ago, 267-159, including 28 Democrats. Over in the Senate, Democrat Budget Committee Chairman Kent Conrad called the CLASS Act “a Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing that Bernie Madoff would have been proud of.”
Even the Administration eventually had to admit the program would be unsustainable unless absurd numbers of healthy people bought into it. “Despite our best analytical efforts, I do not see a viable path forward for CLASS implementation at this time,” said none other than Kathleen Sebelius. There went $70 billion of ObamaCare’s “cost savings!”
Speaking of Our Lady of the Death Spiral, she’s the one who was compelled to admit, under intense Congressional grilling, that ObamaCare double-counted half a trillion dollars in Medicare funding.
“There is an issue here on the budget because your own actuary has said you can’t double-count,” Rep. John Shimkus (R-Ill.) told Sebelius, in reference to a hefty sum that was simultaneously supposed to prop up Medicare and fund ObamaCare. “What’s the $500 billion in cuts for? Preserving Medicare or funding the health-care law?” Sebelius replied,“Both.”
In fairness to the HHS secretary, that sort of accounting trickery is fairly common in the cobwebbed halls of the Big Government haunted house. It becomes more common as the government grows. But ObamaCare is a particularly powerful mixture of exploding costs, allegedly unanticipated consequences, and unsustainable open-ended commitments. At the time of its passage, it was supposed to reduce the deficit by a few hundred billion; now the projected ten-year costs are well over a trillion dollars, according to very conservative Congressional Budget Office estimates.
And that’s just one part of the government’s trillion-dollar deficit portfolio, as we soar past $16 trillion in accumulated debt, and make a strong bid to blow past $20 trillion long before the end of this decade. Interest on that debt currently consumes nearly half of the government’s revenue from personal income taxes, and those outlays will more than triple over the next ten years, even assuming interest rates don’t explode.
When House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan recently discussed national debt projections with Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner, he had to point out that according to current CBO projections, the entire U.S. economy simply “shuts down in 2027” under the weight of government debt.
Now that’s what I call a death spiral!
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To read another article by John Hayward, click here.
Andrew Breitbart dead at 43
Andrew Breitbart dead at 43
By Ross Kaminsky on 3.1.12 @ 10:02AM
In the most shocking news of the day, conservative new media superstar Andrew Breitbart has died "unexpectedly of natural causes" at the age of 43.
Brietbart's web site has posted a statement:
With a terrible feeling of pain and loss we announce the passing of Andrew Breitbart.
Andrew passed away unexpectedly from natural causes shortly after midnight this morning in Los Angeles.
We have lost a husband, a father, a son, a brother, a dear friend, a patriot and a happy warrior.
Andrew lived boldly, so that we more timid souls would dare to live freely and fully, and fight for the fragile liberty he showed us how to love.
Andrew recently wrote a new conclusion to his book, Righteous Indignation:
I love my job. I love fighting for what I believe in. I love having fun while doing it. I love reporting stories that the Complex refuses to report. I love fighting back, I love finding allies, and-famously-I enjoy making enemies.
Three years ago, I was mostly a behind-the-scenes guy who linked to stuff on a very popular website. I always wondered what it would be like to enter the public realm to fight for what I believe in. I've lost friends, perhaps dozens. But I've gained hundreds, thousands-who knows?-of allies. At the end of the day, I can look at myself in the mirror, and I sleep very well at night.
Andrew is at rest, yet the happy warrior lives on, in each of us.
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What others say....
Andrew Breitbart, rest in peace
by Jason Mattera
Posted 03/01/2012 ET
Updated 03/01/2012 ET
Andrew Breitbart was a fearless warrior for truth. His passing at the young age of only 43 is a devastating loss, a reminder of how fleeting and precious life is. He leaves behind him a beautiful family.
Andrew was a patriot and social media entrepreneur.
He was a rebel. He was a rabble-rouser.
He created chaos for professional liberals and he relished every second of it.
Andrew’s life was proof positive that he didn’t just talk a good game -- he walked it out, through and through.
Besides authoring two New York Times best-selling books, Hollywood Interrupted and Righteous Indignation, Andrew was the publisher of four powerful websites: Big Government, Big Hollywood, Big Journalism, and Big Peace -- the BIGs, if you will.
They certainly lived up to their names.
Andrew used his online army as a wrecking ball against the liberal establishment.
He helped take down ACORN. He forced Rep. Anthony Weiner to resign in disgrace. And he wasn’t afraid to call out reporters to their face.
I saw his contempt for the liberal press firsthand. After a 2010 speech I gave to the Conservative Political Action Conference critical of Barack Obama, New York Times reporter Kate Zernike maliciously claimed that I had used “racial overtones.” It was her first dispatch from CPAC. Her “evidence” was so embarrassingly threadbare that she retreated to arguing that I employed a “Chris Rock voice” to mock Obama.
Andrew was also at CPAC, and, shortly after the smear-piece went live, I told him about it. He was just as outraged.
Vintage Breitbart was about to go on display.
“I'm just going to show you what I had to deal with today,” Andrew began to tell the crowd gathered to watch him accept an award.
"Kate Zernike of the New York Times, are you in the room?”
She was in the room indeed.
“You're despicable. You're a despicable human being…You came to CPAC to get your prey and here's your prey: Jason Mattera from HotAir.”
“[You’re] the one that correlated his voice to Chris Rock. He happens to be from Brooklyn. He's using his voice."
Andrew never backed down from a fight. And he enjoyed starting them.
He broke stories and set the media narrative on his terms. As a result, he made even many Beltway conservative mouthpieces uneasy -- for rather than blather about the news of the day only, he actually took steps and set stories in motion that influenced culture.
He was after scalps. He got them.
I knew Andrew for many years, even before he became the rock star that he was. He was the same back then as he was before he left us -- gregarious , passionate and always looking to nurture future leaders.
He never turned down an opportunity to speak to young audiences, encouraging them to advance the cause of freedom and to fight against the false narratives thrust upon conservatives by the image-makers in Hollywood and the media.
When the shocking news broke of his unexpected passing, Twitter and Facebook erupted with notes from people all across the country who proclaimed their personal appreciation for Andrew. He was their hero. He earned the respect of so many because he did what too few can: Confidently and authoritatively speak their minds.
It was a pleasure for me to fight alongside Andrew. He will be missed.
Rest in peace, brother. Rest in peace.
_________________
Andrew Breitbart, R.I.P.
By Aaron Goldstein on 3.1.12 @ 12:48PM
I couldn't believe Ross Kaminsky's post when I saw it.
But it's true. Andrew Breitbart is dead at the age of 43. He apparently collapsed while taking a walk near his home in Los Angeles just after midnight and never regained consciousness.
I don't know if he had any health problems. But I do know that sometimes death comes arbitrarily, cruelly and in an instant.
Yet he did leave an imprint. A disciple of Matt Drudge, he would branch out on his own and launch Breitbart.com and over the years scores of other websites such as Big Government and Big Hollywood providing a voice not only for himself but many others in the conservative blogosphere. If not for Breitbart, chances are James O'Keefe and Hannah Giles would have had little chance to expose the shenanigans of ACORN.
I never met Breitbart but if there is one thing I remember him for more than anything else is when he offered to donate $100,000 to the United Negro College Fund if anyone could produce videotaped evidence showing Tea Party activists shouting racial epithets at African-American Democratic Congressmen such as John Lewis and Andre Carson during demonstrations against Obamacare outside Capitol Hill in March 2010.
Nobody took Breitbart up on his offer. Here is what he wrote on April 26, 2010 after Ben Smith of Politico told him he had "pretty much won this one":
But how does that "win" manifest itself? On April 15, the day of the Tax Day Tea Party in front of the White House, and being interviewed by ABC's Terry Moran for Nightline set to air Tuesday night, I passionately defended the movement against the powerful racism charge that has been greatly pushed by the Congressional Black Caucus's accusation of a 1960 Selma-like incident near the Capitol.
At least twice during the spirited questioning by Moran, bystanders screamed "racist" at me.
The power of the propaganda. The power of the repeated accusations. The power of the relentless race-based line of questioning. They are all adding up to the liars and slanderers getting exactly what they wanted. The Tea Party is marred by racism charges while Congressman Carson, at the least, should be facing an ethics investigation, and a civil rights legend should be asking for forgiveness for allowing the hateful lie to stand.
The "win" Ben Smith speaks of comes in the form of silence. Our nation is split down the middle and the press has chosen to play for one side and one side only.
The liberal media and their apologists have moved heaven and earth to characterize anyone who disagrees with President Obama from the right, be the Tea Party or any other individual or organization, as being motivated solely by malice towards his race. The liberal media can do better than this but they won't. It is far easier to caricaturize a significant segment of the populace as violent racists rather than a community of people who legitimately disagree with President Obama's policies. The liberal media is content to judge certain people by the color of their skin rather than by the content of their character. While many conservatives (myself included) challenged this fallacious premise, it was Breitbart who put his money where his mouth was.
So the next time a liberal calls a conservative a racist (and believe me there will be a next time) remember Andrew Breitbart's $100,000 challenge and go boldly.
________________________
On Breitbart
By Quin Hillyer on 3.1.12 @ 12:03PM
I won't pretend to have been good friends with Andrew Breitbart. I met him just twice, in passing, and corresponded or spoke to him on the phone just a few other times.
But here's what I know: People who enter the arena with verve and good humor, and with personal decency even while playing hardball, and who truly believe in their cause, and who can play hardball but don't take cheap shots... well, those people are gems.
Breitbart was a gem -- and a remarkably happy warrior for the cause.
RIP.
Peace, and God's love and joy forever.
_______________________________________
Click here to view an interview with Jonah Goldberg on Andrew's passing.
_______________________________________
To read an article by Andrew Breitbart, click here.
History Never Quite Ends
History Never Quite Ends
By Victor Davis Hanson
3/1/2012
The European Union and the United Nations, as well as globalization and advanced technology, were all supposed to trump age-old cultural, geographical and national differences and bring people together.
But for all the high-tech veneer of the 21st century, the world still looks a lot like it did during the last hundred years and well before that.
After the Greek financial meltdown and the emergence of German financial dominance, Europe once more obsesses over the so-called German problem. Should Europeans admire the industry of the German people, or fear that such competency and drive -- as in 1870, 1914 and 1939 -- will eventually translate into German political and military supremacy? The division of Germany, the common Soviet threat, the NATO alliance, the European Union and German war guilt for the last half-century all repressed German singularity.
But the first two realities have disappeared. The latter three soon might. Once again, no one quite knows how to deal with German exceptionalism. Apparently, the borders and the currency of Germany change, but the unrivaled work ethic and productivity of the German people do not.
Examine the violence of the world today more than a decade after 9/11. Much of it is still in the Middle East in general, and concerns Islam in particular. The protests of the Arab Spring may well turn into the repression of the Arab Autumn. Syria is aflame. Bombs go off almost daily in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan. Rockets are poised in Gaza and Lebanon. Iran either threatens to get a bomb or to use it once they get it. Fascism, communism, Baathism, Pan-Arabism, Pan-Islamism and various dictators come and go. But the tribal nature of the Middle East and the unease of Islam with other religions, with a modernizing world and with a rival West somehow seem to remain the same -- whether at Lepanto in the 16th century or at the Strait of Hormuz in the 21st century.
There are autocrats in Russia again. From the czars to the Soviet communists to Vladimir Putin's cronies, there is something about constitutional government or liberal rule that bothers Mother Russia. The more that progressive outsiders seek to lecture or reform Russians, the more likely they are to bristle and push back with left-wing or right-wing nationalist strongmen. At present, we do not know whether there will be a Czar Vladimir, Comrade Putin or Putin Inc. in charge, but we fear it does not matter much.
For centuries, Christianity often fought Islam in the mountainous, war-torn crossroads of the Balkans. And from the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand to the ethnic cleansing campaign of Slobodan Milosevic, the Balkans remain Europe's powder keg. Now with rioting and unrest in Athens, a financial earthquake that started in tiny Balkan Greece is shaking up some 500 million people in the European Union.
America is not exempt from such stereotyping. Every so often Americans reluctantly get involved abroad, grandly seek to remake the world in our image, become frustrated that we cannot, then start to disengage and disarm, retreat home and promise to stay there -- before starting the cycle over.
After World War I, World War II, Korea, Vietnam and, more recently, our wars in the Middle East, we said "never again" -- only to lecture others and, in schizophrenic fashion, intervene once more. At times, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson and George W. Bush all thought they could make the world safe for democracy. Calvin Coolidge, Jimmy Carter and Barack Obama assumed we had neither the money nor the virtue to try.
New cure-all ideologies and organizations likewise have come and gone. Fascism, communism, socialism and the Keynesian redistributive state all promised a sort of new, better man. But mostly they ended up bringing neither peace nor prosperity.
In response to all this depressing predictability, technocratic elites still dream up international solutions. The League of Nations was a noble idea that proved to be an irrelevant hothouse. No one still believes the pretentious United Nations is much more than a collective debating society. The non-democratic European Union is going the way of the past megalomaniac and failed dreams of Charlemagne, Napoleon and Hitler of one united European continent, one system, one ideology.
What, then, are we left with? Only the humility that human nature does not change much.
That unpleasant fact means that about all we can do is to keep muddling through, stay vigilant, and hope for the best while preparing for the worst. For all the problems of national pride, democracy, free markets, alliances and military preparedness, the alternatives seem far worse.
____________________________________________
To read another article by Victor Davis Hanson, click here.
By Victor Davis Hanson
3/1/2012
The European Union and the United Nations, as well as globalization and advanced technology, were all supposed to trump age-old cultural, geographical and national differences and bring people together.
But for all the high-tech veneer of the 21st century, the world still looks a lot like it did during the last hundred years and well before that.
After the Greek financial meltdown and the emergence of German financial dominance, Europe once more obsesses over the so-called German problem. Should Europeans admire the industry of the German people, or fear that such competency and drive -- as in 1870, 1914 and 1939 -- will eventually translate into German political and military supremacy? The division of Germany, the common Soviet threat, the NATO alliance, the European Union and German war guilt for the last half-century all repressed German singularity.
But the first two realities have disappeared. The latter three soon might. Once again, no one quite knows how to deal with German exceptionalism. Apparently, the borders and the currency of Germany change, but the unrivaled work ethic and productivity of the German people do not.
Examine the violence of the world today more than a decade after 9/11. Much of it is still in the Middle East in general, and concerns Islam in particular. The protests of the Arab Spring may well turn into the repression of the Arab Autumn. Syria is aflame. Bombs go off almost daily in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan. Rockets are poised in Gaza and Lebanon. Iran either threatens to get a bomb or to use it once they get it. Fascism, communism, Baathism, Pan-Arabism, Pan-Islamism and various dictators come and go. But the tribal nature of the Middle East and the unease of Islam with other religions, with a modernizing world and with a rival West somehow seem to remain the same -- whether at Lepanto in the 16th century or at the Strait of Hormuz in the 21st century.
There are autocrats in Russia again. From the czars to the Soviet communists to Vladimir Putin's cronies, there is something about constitutional government or liberal rule that bothers Mother Russia. The more that progressive outsiders seek to lecture or reform Russians, the more likely they are to bristle and push back with left-wing or right-wing nationalist strongmen. At present, we do not know whether there will be a Czar Vladimir, Comrade Putin or Putin Inc. in charge, but we fear it does not matter much.
For centuries, Christianity often fought Islam in the mountainous, war-torn crossroads of the Balkans. And from the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand to the ethnic cleansing campaign of Slobodan Milosevic, the Balkans remain Europe's powder keg. Now with rioting and unrest in Athens, a financial earthquake that started in tiny Balkan Greece is shaking up some 500 million people in the European Union.
America is not exempt from such stereotyping. Every so often Americans reluctantly get involved abroad, grandly seek to remake the world in our image, become frustrated that we cannot, then start to disengage and disarm, retreat home and promise to stay there -- before starting the cycle over.
After World War I, World War II, Korea, Vietnam and, more recently, our wars in the Middle East, we said "never again" -- only to lecture others and, in schizophrenic fashion, intervene once more. At times, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson and George W. Bush all thought they could make the world safe for democracy. Calvin Coolidge, Jimmy Carter and Barack Obama assumed we had neither the money nor the virtue to try.
New cure-all ideologies and organizations likewise have come and gone. Fascism, communism, socialism and the Keynesian redistributive state all promised a sort of new, better man. But mostly they ended up bringing neither peace nor prosperity.
In response to all this depressing predictability, technocratic elites still dream up international solutions. The League of Nations was a noble idea that proved to be an irrelevant hothouse. No one still believes the pretentious United Nations is much more than a collective debating society. The non-democratic European Union is going the way of the past megalomaniac and failed dreams of Charlemagne, Napoleon and Hitler of one united European continent, one system, one ideology.
What, then, are we left with? Only the humility that human nature does not change much.
That unpleasant fact means that about all we can do is to keep muddling through, stay vigilant, and hope for the best while preparing for the worst. For all the problems of national pride, democracy, free markets, alliances and military preparedness, the alternatives seem far worse.
____________________________________________
To read another article by Victor Davis Hanson, click here.
'Honest' PBS Clinton Documentary Lies About the Economy
'Honest' PBS Clinton Documentary Lies About the Economy
By Larry Elder
3/1/2012
Public Television touted the Bill Clinton documentary as a long-awaited warts-and-all piece. USA Today called the two-parter a "solid and even-handed account ... of a remarkably skillful politician with an immense intellect." While calling it "tedious and predictable," The Washington Post described the documentary as "honest."
In the first hour, the documentary stumbled out of the gate. If it were a racehorse, they'd have to put it down. The whopper we get hit with right away and again and again is this: Clinton inherited a recession -- not an economy that long ago came out of a recession. Never mind that 1993 -- 19 years ago -- is within the living memory of many Americans. Yet we are repeatedly told that Clinton entered office under a full-on economic meltdown.
The narrator says: "Heading into the fall (of l992) ... with the economy still faltering. ..."
The narrator later says, "As Clinton took office in the winter of 1993, the economic crisis that had propelled him into office showed few signs of abating."
Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin adds: "We had had a recession. We had high unemployment. And it was a lot of uncertainty about whether the United States was going to get on its feet again or whether we could be in for a prolonged period of real difficulty. So he came into a very difficult environment."
Journalist Joe Klein describes Clinton's first budget battle, in the late summer of '93, as a gamble "in the midst of a recession."
And midway through the piece, the narrator informs us that "by the fall of 1994, the economy was growing again."
This is simply extraordinary, mind-boggling.
Whether Bill Clinton was a good president, whether he deserves the credit for balanced budgets and projected surpluses or whether he should have been impeached are matters about which reasonable people can and do disagree. But whether Bill Clinton entered office "in the midst of a recession" and whether, in the fall of '92 and the winter of '93, the economy was "still faltering" and "showed few signs of abating" -- these are matters of fact.
The National Bureau of Economic Research in Cambridge, Mass., is the official keeper of the U.S. business cycle. It defines a recession as "a period of diminishing (economic) activity." It tracks when recessions begin (a "peak" -- the month when a period of economic growth ends and a downturn begins) and when recessions end (a "trough" -- the month when the downturn bottoms out and the economy begins to grow again).
Bill Clinton entered office in January 1993. According to the NBER, did he inherit a recession? Not even close. The recession began in July 1990 and ended eight months later, in March 1991 -- a full 19 months before Clinton was even elected.
Let's be charitable. Perhaps the documentary used a different definition of recession. True, some experts use another standard: two consecutive quarters of negative economic growth. But during Bush-41's last year in office -- 1992, the year voters elected Clinton -- the economy grew every quarter, averaging 3.2 percent.
But today, nearly two decades after the fact, the PBS narrator solemnly states that "as Clinton took office in the winter of 1993, the economic crisis that had propelled him into office showed few signs of abating" -- even though the economy was then on its 22nd consecutive month of positive growth!
Really? "In the winter of 1993 ... the economic crisis ... showed few signs of abating"? Jan. 29, 1993, seven days after Clinton took office, The New York Times wrote, "U.S. Says Economy Grew at Fast Pace in Fourth Quarter: The economy grew at a faster-than-expected annual rate of 3.8 percent in the final quarter of 1992, the strongest performance in four years, the Commerce Department reported today."
The confusion is understandable. Many in the media suffer from CRAP -- Clinton Recession Amnesia Problem. CRAP spares few victims. Take MSNBC's Rachel Maddow, who once said she knows little about economics and, bless her, seems determined to prove it. In January 2009, the month President Obama took office, Maddow said: "Clinton took the oath during an economic downturn, but that was a romper room compared to today's down-crash."
In October 1992, as President George Herbert Walker Bush ran for re-election against Bill Clinton, the economy was 18 months into a recovery. But as Investor's Business Daily noted, 90 percent of the newspaper stories on the economy were negative. Yet the following month, when Clinton defeated Bush-41, suddenly only 14 percent of economic news stories were negative!
Given the media recitation of the false history of the state of the 1992-1993 economy -- when Clinton entered office -- why expect PBS to get it right?
Historical revisionism occurs when someone challenges a conventional point of view. But the Clinton documentary -- as to the state of the economy he inherited -- is not historical revisionism. This documentary simply recites the "facts" as the traditional media see it: Clinton inherited a recession left by his Republican predecessor -- and that's that.
_____________________________________
To read another article by Larry Elder, click here.
By Larry Elder
3/1/2012
Public Television touted the Bill Clinton documentary as a long-awaited warts-and-all piece. USA Today called the two-parter a "solid and even-handed account ... of a remarkably skillful politician with an immense intellect." While calling it "tedious and predictable," The Washington Post described the documentary as "honest."
In the first hour, the documentary stumbled out of the gate. If it were a racehorse, they'd have to put it down. The whopper we get hit with right away and again and again is this: Clinton inherited a recession -- not an economy that long ago came out of a recession. Never mind that 1993 -- 19 years ago -- is within the living memory of many Americans. Yet we are repeatedly told that Clinton entered office under a full-on economic meltdown.
The narrator says: "Heading into the fall (of l992) ... with the economy still faltering. ..."
The narrator later says, "As Clinton took office in the winter of 1993, the economic crisis that had propelled him into office showed few signs of abating."
Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin adds: "We had had a recession. We had high unemployment. And it was a lot of uncertainty about whether the United States was going to get on its feet again or whether we could be in for a prolonged period of real difficulty. So he came into a very difficult environment."
Journalist Joe Klein describes Clinton's first budget battle, in the late summer of '93, as a gamble "in the midst of a recession."
And midway through the piece, the narrator informs us that "by the fall of 1994, the economy was growing again."
This is simply extraordinary, mind-boggling.
Whether Bill Clinton was a good president, whether he deserves the credit for balanced budgets and projected surpluses or whether he should have been impeached are matters about which reasonable people can and do disagree. But whether Bill Clinton entered office "in the midst of a recession" and whether, in the fall of '92 and the winter of '93, the economy was "still faltering" and "showed few signs of abating" -- these are matters of fact.
The National Bureau of Economic Research in Cambridge, Mass., is the official keeper of the U.S. business cycle. It defines a recession as "a period of diminishing (economic) activity." It tracks when recessions begin (a "peak" -- the month when a period of economic growth ends and a downturn begins) and when recessions end (a "trough" -- the month when the downturn bottoms out and the economy begins to grow again).
Bill Clinton entered office in January 1993. According to the NBER, did he inherit a recession? Not even close. The recession began in July 1990 and ended eight months later, in March 1991 -- a full 19 months before Clinton was even elected.
Let's be charitable. Perhaps the documentary used a different definition of recession. True, some experts use another standard: two consecutive quarters of negative economic growth. But during Bush-41's last year in office -- 1992, the year voters elected Clinton -- the economy grew every quarter, averaging 3.2 percent.
But today, nearly two decades after the fact, the PBS narrator solemnly states that "as Clinton took office in the winter of 1993, the economic crisis that had propelled him into office showed few signs of abating" -- even though the economy was then on its 22nd consecutive month of positive growth!
Really? "In the winter of 1993 ... the economic crisis ... showed few signs of abating"? Jan. 29, 1993, seven days after Clinton took office, The New York Times wrote, "U.S. Says Economy Grew at Fast Pace in Fourth Quarter: The economy grew at a faster-than-expected annual rate of 3.8 percent in the final quarter of 1992, the strongest performance in four years, the Commerce Department reported today."
The confusion is understandable. Many in the media suffer from CRAP -- Clinton Recession Amnesia Problem. CRAP spares few victims. Take MSNBC's Rachel Maddow, who once said she knows little about economics and, bless her, seems determined to prove it. In January 2009, the month President Obama took office, Maddow said: "Clinton took the oath during an economic downturn, but that was a romper room compared to today's down-crash."
In October 1992, as President George Herbert Walker Bush ran for re-election against Bill Clinton, the economy was 18 months into a recovery. But as Investor's Business Daily noted, 90 percent of the newspaper stories on the economy were negative. Yet the following month, when Clinton defeated Bush-41, suddenly only 14 percent of economic news stories were negative!
Given the media recitation of the false history of the state of the 1992-1993 economy -- when Clinton entered office -- why expect PBS to get it right?
Historical revisionism occurs when someone challenges a conventional point of view. But the Clinton documentary -- as to the state of the economy he inherited -- is not historical revisionism. This documentary simply recites the "facts" as the traditional media see it: Clinton inherited a recession left by his Republican predecessor -- and that's that.
_____________________________________
To read another article by Larry Elder, click here.
'Super Tuesday'
'Super Tuesday'
By Thomas Sowell
3/1/2012
Many people are looking to the many primary elections on March 6th -- "Super Tuesday" -- to clarify where this year's Republican nomination campaign is headed.
It may clarify far more than that, including the future of this nation and of Western civilization. If a clear winner with a commanding lead emerges, the question then becomes whether that candidate is someone who is likely to defeat Barack Obama.
If not, then the fate of America -- and of Western nations, including Israel -- will be left in the hands of a man with a lifelong hostility to Western values and Western interests.
President Obama is such a genial man that many people, across the ideological space, cannot see him as a danger.
For every hundred people who can see his geniality, probably only a handful see the grave danger his warped policies and ruthless tactics pose to a whole way of life that has given generation after generation of Americans unprecedented freedom and prosperity.
The election next November will not be just another election, and the stakes add up to far more than the sum of the individual issues. Moreover, if reelected and facing no future election, whatever political constraints may have limited how far Obama would push his radical agenda will be gone.
He would have the closest thing to a blank check. Nothing could stop him but impeachment or a military coup, and both are very unlikely. A genial corrupter is all the more dangerous for being genial.
The four remaining Republican candidates have to be judged, not simply by whether they would make good presidents, but by how well they can cut through Obama's personal popularity and glib rhetoric, to alert the voters as to the stakes in this year's election.
Ron Paul? Even those of us who agree with much of his domestic agenda, including getting rid of the Federal Reserve System, cannot believe that his happy-go-lucky attitude toward Iran's getting a nuclear weapon represents anything other than a grave danger to the whole Western World.
Rick Santorum has possibilities, but can he survive the media's constant attempts to paint him as some kind of religious nut who would use the government to impose his views on others? And, if he can, will he also be able to go toe-to-toe with Obama in debates?
I would not bet the rent money on it. And what is at stake is far bigger than the rent money.
Mitt Romney is the kind of candidate that the Republican establishment has always looked for, a moderate who can appeal to independents. It doesn't matter how many such candidates have turned out to be disasters on election night, going all the way back to Thomas E. Dewey in 1948.
Nor does it matter that the Republicans' most successful candidate of the 20th century -- Ronald Reagan, with two consecutive landslide victories at the polls -- was nobody's idea of a mushy moderate.
He stood for something. And he could explain what he stood for. These may sound like modest achievements, but they are very rare, especially among Republicans.
Newt Gingrich is the only candidate still in the field who can clearly take on Barack Obama in one-on-one debate and cut through the Obama rhetoric and mystique with hard facts and plain logic.
Nor is this just a matter of having a gift of gab. Gingrich has a far deeper grasp of both the policies and the politics than the other Republican candidates.
Does Gingrich have political "baggage"? More than you could carry on a commercial airliner.
Charges of opportunism have been among the most serious raised against the former Speaker of the House. But being President of the United States is the opportunity of a lifetime. If that doesn't sober a man up, it is hard to imagine what would.
Do any of the Republican candidates seem ideal? No. But, the White House cannot be left vacant, while we hope for a better field of candidates in 2016. We have to make our choice among the alternatives actually available, of which Obama is by far the worst.
_________________________________________
To read another article by Thomas Sowell, click here.
By Thomas Sowell
3/1/2012
Many people are looking to the many primary elections on March 6th -- "Super Tuesday" -- to clarify where this year's Republican nomination campaign is headed.
It may clarify far more than that, including the future of this nation and of Western civilization. If a clear winner with a commanding lead emerges, the question then becomes whether that candidate is someone who is likely to defeat Barack Obama.
If not, then the fate of America -- and of Western nations, including Israel -- will be left in the hands of a man with a lifelong hostility to Western values and Western interests.
President Obama is such a genial man that many people, across the ideological space, cannot see him as a danger.
For every hundred people who can see his geniality, probably only a handful see the grave danger his warped policies and ruthless tactics pose to a whole way of life that has given generation after generation of Americans unprecedented freedom and prosperity.
The election next November will not be just another election, and the stakes add up to far more than the sum of the individual issues. Moreover, if reelected and facing no future election, whatever political constraints may have limited how far Obama would push his radical agenda will be gone.
He would have the closest thing to a blank check. Nothing could stop him but impeachment or a military coup, and both are very unlikely. A genial corrupter is all the more dangerous for being genial.
The four remaining Republican candidates have to be judged, not simply by whether they would make good presidents, but by how well they can cut through Obama's personal popularity and glib rhetoric, to alert the voters as to the stakes in this year's election.
Ron Paul? Even those of us who agree with much of his domestic agenda, including getting rid of the Federal Reserve System, cannot believe that his happy-go-lucky attitude toward Iran's getting a nuclear weapon represents anything other than a grave danger to the whole Western World.
Rick Santorum has possibilities, but can he survive the media's constant attempts to paint him as some kind of religious nut who would use the government to impose his views on others? And, if he can, will he also be able to go toe-to-toe with Obama in debates?
I would not bet the rent money on it. And what is at stake is far bigger than the rent money.
Mitt Romney is the kind of candidate that the Republican establishment has always looked for, a moderate who can appeal to independents. It doesn't matter how many such candidates have turned out to be disasters on election night, going all the way back to Thomas E. Dewey in 1948.
Nor does it matter that the Republicans' most successful candidate of the 20th century -- Ronald Reagan, with two consecutive landslide victories at the polls -- was nobody's idea of a mushy moderate.
He stood for something. And he could explain what he stood for. These may sound like modest achievements, but they are very rare, especially among Republicans.
Newt Gingrich is the only candidate still in the field who can clearly take on Barack Obama in one-on-one debate and cut through the Obama rhetoric and mystique with hard facts and plain logic.
Nor is this just a matter of having a gift of gab. Gingrich has a far deeper grasp of both the policies and the politics than the other Republican candidates.
Does Gingrich have political "baggage"? More than you could carry on a commercial airliner.
Charges of opportunism have been among the most serious raised against the former Speaker of the House. But being President of the United States is the opportunity of a lifetime. If that doesn't sober a man up, it is hard to imagine what would.
Do any of the Republican candidates seem ideal? No. But, the White House cannot be left vacant, while we hope for a better field of candidates in 2016. We have to make our choice among the alternatives actually available, of which Obama is by far the worst.
_________________________________________
To read another article by Thomas Sowell, click here.
Why Liberals Like Taxing the Wealthy
Why Liberals Like Taxing the Wealthy
By Michael Barone
3/1/2012
I have long been puzzled by the enthusiasm with which many young liberal bloggers cheer on proposals to raise tax rates on high earners. I can understand why they might favor them, but not why they seem to invest so much psychic energy in the issue.
Some of this may just be team ball: You cheer when your side puts up numbers on the scoreboard. So Democratic cheerleaders are rah-rahing what they insist on calling repeal of the Bush tax cuts (which have been in effect now longer than the Clinton tax increases they rolled back).
But the liberal bloggers cannot be entirely ignorant of the knowledge that we have a pretty progressive income tax already. In 2009, the top 1 percent of earners reported 17 percent of adjusted gross income and paid 37 percent of total income tax revenues.
By some measures, the American tax system, including the payroll tax and state and local taxes, is more progressive -- in the sense of extracting disproportionate shares of revenue from high earners -- than most European tax regimes, which rely heaving on value-added taxes.
Plus, as liberal economist Lane Kenworthy points out, you don't get much income redistribution from higher tax rates.
You get more from transfer payments. But, as House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan has documented, federal transfers are getting less progressive. Social Security and Medicare increasingly transfer money from young low earners to old people with relatively high incomes and considerable accumulated wealth.
One argument for higher rates is that increased revenues will reduce the federal budget deficit. But do liberal bloggers really care all that much about budget deficits? These same people often rue the fact that the Obama Democrats didn't plow an additional $1 trillion into their stimulus package.
I think the answer to the puzzle can be found in a remark Barack Obama made during the 2008 fall campaign -- a remark that seemed to go mostly unnoticed.
ABC's Charlie Gibson asked candidate Obama if he would raise capital gains taxes even if, as in the past, that brought in less revenue to the federal government.
Yes, said Obama. "I would look at raising the capital gains tax for purposes of fairness."
Ponder that answer for a moment. A candidate for president -- president now -- said he wants to take more money from people who earned it even though doing so would produce less money for the government.
The philosophy that has to be behind that answer is also behind the Obama administration budgets that have proposed capping the charitable deduction for high earners. The clearly intended result would be a massive transfer of money from the voluntary sector of society into government.
Alexis de Tocqueville in the 1830s identified the voluntary sector as a unique feature of American democracy, one that gave it strength and character. He compared it positively with his own France, where centralized government stifled initiative and innovation.
The cap on charitable deductions has gone nowhere in Congress, where many Democratic members undoubtedly heard protests from their friends and supporters in the voluntary sector. We can see where that proposal leads from the Obama mandate that voluntary-sector organizations must buy health insurance that finances procedures their leaders consider deeply immoral. Centralized government will decide what's moral, and you'll be forced to pay for it.
Higher tax rates on high earners, even if they produce less revenue, are an attempt to centralize power in government and to limit the autonomy and countervailing power of individuals in the voluntary sector.
Which is why the liberal bloggers cheer them on. And why they eagerly join the Obama White House in demonizing the Koch brothers, who donate large sums to conservative causes. (Disclosure: I have spoken at two Koch conferences and was reimbursed for travel expenses.)
The Obama Democrats don't want their funders like George Soros getting competition from the likes of Charles and David Koch.
Similarly, the prospect of Republicans spending as much money as Democrats (unlike 2004 and 2008, when Democrats spent more) led Obama to declare inoperative his denunciations of super PACs and to create his own, with Cabinet members authorized to raise money for it.
This election is a contest between a Democrat who wants to make this country more like Tocqueville's France and Republicans who want to keep it more like Tocqueville's America. The liberal bloggers are rooting for France.
____________________________________________
To read another article by Michael Barone, click here.
By Michael Barone
3/1/2012
I have long been puzzled by the enthusiasm with which many young liberal bloggers cheer on proposals to raise tax rates on high earners. I can understand why they might favor them, but not why they seem to invest so much psychic energy in the issue.
Some of this may just be team ball: You cheer when your side puts up numbers on the scoreboard. So Democratic cheerleaders are rah-rahing what they insist on calling repeal of the Bush tax cuts (which have been in effect now longer than the Clinton tax increases they rolled back).
But the liberal bloggers cannot be entirely ignorant of the knowledge that we have a pretty progressive income tax already. In 2009, the top 1 percent of earners reported 17 percent of adjusted gross income and paid 37 percent of total income tax revenues.
By some measures, the American tax system, including the payroll tax and state and local taxes, is more progressive -- in the sense of extracting disproportionate shares of revenue from high earners -- than most European tax regimes, which rely heaving on value-added taxes.
Plus, as liberal economist Lane Kenworthy points out, you don't get much income redistribution from higher tax rates.
You get more from transfer payments. But, as House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan has documented, federal transfers are getting less progressive. Social Security and Medicare increasingly transfer money from young low earners to old people with relatively high incomes and considerable accumulated wealth.
One argument for higher rates is that increased revenues will reduce the federal budget deficit. But do liberal bloggers really care all that much about budget deficits? These same people often rue the fact that the Obama Democrats didn't plow an additional $1 trillion into their stimulus package.
I think the answer to the puzzle can be found in a remark Barack Obama made during the 2008 fall campaign -- a remark that seemed to go mostly unnoticed.
ABC's Charlie Gibson asked candidate Obama if he would raise capital gains taxes even if, as in the past, that brought in less revenue to the federal government.
Yes, said Obama. "I would look at raising the capital gains tax for purposes of fairness."
Ponder that answer for a moment. A candidate for president -- president now -- said he wants to take more money from people who earned it even though doing so would produce less money for the government.
The philosophy that has to be behind that answer is also behind the Obama administration budgets that have proposed capping the charitable deduction for high earners. The clearly intended result would be a massive transfer of money from the voluntary sector of society into government.
Alexis de Tocqueville in the 1830s identified the voluntary sector as a unique feature of American democracy, one that gave it strength and character. He compared it positively with his own France, where centralized government stifled initiative and innovation.
The cap on charitable deductions has gone nowhere in Congress, where many Democratic members undoubtedly heard protests from their friends and supporters in the voluntary sector. We can see where that proposal leads from the Obama mandate that voluntary-sector organizations must buy health insurance that finances procedures their leaders consider deeply immoral. Centralized government will decide what's moral, and you'll be forced to pay for it.
Higher tax rates on high earners, even if they produce less revenue, are an attempt to centralize power in government and to limit the autonomy and countervailing power of individuals in the voluntary sector.
Which is why the liberal bloggers cheer them on. And why they eagerly join the Obama White House in demonizing the Koch brothers, who donate large sums to conservative causes. (Disclosure: I have spoken at two Koch conferences and was reimbursed for travel expenses.)
The Obama Democrats don't want their funders like George Soros getting competition from the likes of Charles and David Koch.
Similarly, the prospect of Republicans spending as much money as Democrats (unlike 2004 and 2008, when Democrats spent more) led Obama to declare inoperative his denunciations of super PACs and to create his own, with Cabinet members authorized to raise money for it.
This election is a contest between a Democrat who wants to make this country more like Tocqueville's France and Republicans who want to keep it more like Tocqueville's America. The liberal bloggers are rooting for France.
____________________________________________
To read another article by Michael Barone, click here.
Lying When It Works Better Than Truth
Lying When It Works Better Than Truth
By Robert Knight
3/1/2012
This year’s presidential election will be a contest between truth and lies.
Don’t think it’s that stark?
Let’s compare how the media handled two incidents.
On Feb. 16, philanthropist Foster Friess, a major backer and adviser to Rick Santorum, cracked a joke that became a media sensation.
In an MSNBC interview with Andrea Mitchell, who asked him if Mr. Santorum’s socially conservative stances would harm his “viability,” Mr. Friess lamented that other issues like the economy and national security were being eclipsed by the focus on sex. Then he quipped,
“You know, back in my days, they’d use Bayer aspirin for contraceptives. The gals put it between their knees, and it wasn’t that costly.”
That’s an old one, but since it raises the issue of moral volition, all but humorless feminists usually chuckle. But listen to this from the Washington Post’s Jonathan Capehart:
“Friess’s stupefying, backward and dangerous response had jaws dropping from coast to coast….The view espoused by Friess is dumb and grim.” He finished by describing the idea of Mr. Friess having White House access someday as “terrifying.”
Mr. Capehart is also terrified by defining marriage as a bride and a groom, so it’s not all that surprising that Mr. Friess’s joke scared him silly.
Over on CBS.com, Lucy Madison reported the incident with a headline proclaiming, “Foster Friess: In my day, women ‘used Bayer aspirin for contraceptives.’”
Madison explains, deadpan: “Friess's implication is that if women hold aspirin between their legs, they won't open them.” Ah. Now we get it. Thanks, Ms. Madison.
Likewise, the Associated Press’ Julie Carr Smith and Steve Peoples reported:
“Foster Friess, the main donor behind Santorum's ‘super PAC,’ created a stir Thursday when he suggested on national television that aspirin used to be an acceptable method for contraception.”
No, he didn’t. He told a joke. Mr. Friess, whom I know as a friend, often cracks jokes to lighten very serious discussions. He regards a sense of humor as one of God’s greatest gifts to us.
Contrast the media’s thrashing of Mr. Friess with the kid-glove treatment they gave North Carolina Democratic Gov. Bev Perdue after she got caught on tape last Sept. 27th saying:
“I think we ought to suspend, perhaps, elections for Congress for two years and just tell them we won’t hold it against them, whatever decisions they make, to just let them help this country recover.”
The tape reveals that she was serious, without a hint of irony. But the Raleigh News & Observer political blog ran this headline: “Perdue jokes about suspending congressional elections for two years.” The article itself said it was “unclear” whether Perdue was “serious.”
USA Today’s Catalina Camia, under the headline “N.C. Gov. Perdue: Suspend elections for Congress,” began her report with this benefit-of-the-doubt lead:
“Was North Carolina Gov. Bev Perdue joking when she suggested holding off on elections for Congress?”
Two weeks ago, Barack Obama showed how to play this game. Caught in a hurricane of reaction against his administration’s tyrannical order to Catholic hospitals to offer insurance covering contraceptives, abortifacients and sterilizations, he pretended it was still being negotiated.
“It became clear,” he told a hastily arranged Feb. 10 press conference, “that spending months hammering out a solution was not going to be an option.”
Reality check: Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius in January gave hospitals one year to comply – or else lose federal funding.
A Wall Street Journal editorial noted that when a reporter had asked, “Just to be clear, so it’s giving them a year to comply rather than giving them a year to in any way change how they feel or the Administration to change how it feels,” a senior official replied, “That is correct. It gives them a year to comply.”
The media took no interest in this, uh, contradiction. As the year unfolds, Mr. Obama is counting on them to skate over his prevarications and instead apply a microscope to the Republican candidates, including jokes by supporters.
With that kind of backing, an unscrupulous politician would be tempted to stretch the truth to the point of snapping it in the electorate’s face. Especially someone who spent his formative, community organizing years in Chicago, absorbing the ruthless tactics and contempt for truth expounded by his guiding light, Saul Alinsky.
Mr. Alinsky died in 1972, but his acolytes schooled young Barack Obama. Nobody knows what’s in anyone’s heart except that person and God, but Mr. Alinsky is probably having an interesting afterlife.
In Rules for Radicals, he wrote:
“Lest we forget at least an over-the-shoulder acknowledgement to …. The first radical known to man who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom – Lucifer.”
In the Bible, Jesus describes Lucifer – that is, Satan – as “the father of lies.” Rick Santorum, in a 2008 speech, quoted Jesus on this very point. Now he is being crucified for it by a media that no longer cares for truth.
Apparently inspired by Satan, Alinsky wrote: “All values and factors are relative,” which means you can use lies if they work better than truth.
I had a taste of this in a debate years ago at the University of Tennessee with a top official from the American Civil Liberties Union. We were debating the use of library Internet filters. When I mentioned that the ACLU had sued to force a local government to adopt an ACLU policy, he got laughs by saying that “nothing Mr. Knight says is true, up to and including the words ‘and’, ‘if’ or ‘the.’”
Later, as we rode in a student’s car, I asked him, “You know I told the truth, and yet you misled those students into thinking I had made it up.” He shrugged, grinned and said, “Ah, it worked, didn’t it?”
What we need now is someone who can talk over the intelligentsia’s heads to the American people, who can discern a lie or recognize a joke if given half a chance.
____________________________________________
To read another article by Robert Knight, click here.
By Robert Knight
3/1/2012
This year’s presidential election will be a contest between truth and lies.
Don’t think it’s that stark?
Let’s compare how the media handled two incidents.
On Feb. 16, philanthropist Foster Friess, a major backer and adviser to Rick Santorum, cracked a joke that became a media sensation.
In an MSNBC interview with Andrea Mitchell, who asked him if Mr. Santorum’s socially conservative stances would harm his “viability,” Mr. Friess lamented that other issues like the economy and national security were being eclipsed by the focus on sex. Then he quipped,
“You know, back in my days, they’d use Bayer aspirin for contraceptives. The gals put it between their knees, and it wasn’t that costly.”
That’s an old one, but since it raises the issue of moral volition, all but humorless feminists usually chuckle. But listen to this from the Washington Post’s Jonathan Capehart:
“Friess’s stupefying, backward and dangerous response had jaws dropping from coast to coast….The view espoused by Friess is dumb and grim.” He finished by describing the idea of Mr. Friess having White House access someday as “terrifying.”
Mr. Capehart is also terrified by defining marriage as a bride and a groom, so it’s not all that surprising that Mr. Friess’s joke scared him silly.
Over on CBS.com, Lucy Madison reported the incident with a headline proclaiming, “Foster Friess: In my day, women ‘used Bayer aspirin for contraceptives.’”
Madison explains, deadpan: “Friess's implication is that if women hold aspirin between their legs, they won't open them.” Ah. Now we get it. Thanks, Ms. Madison.
Likewise, the Associated Press’ Julie Carr Smith and Steve Peoples reported:
“Foster Friess, the main donor behind Santorum's ‘super PAC,’ created a stir Thursday when he suggested on national television that aspirin used to be an acceptable method for contraception.”
No, he didn’t. He told a joke. Mr. Friess, whom I know as a friend, often cracks jokes to lighten very serious discussions. He regards a sense of humor as one of God’s greatest gifts to us.
Contrast the media’s thrashing of Mr. Friess with the kid-glove treatment they gave North Carolina Democratic Gov. Bev Perdue after she got caught on tape last Sept. 27th saying:
“I think we ought to suspend, perhaps, elections for Congress for two years and just tell them we won’t hold it against them, whatever decisions they make, to just let them help this country recover.”
The tape reveals that she was serious, without a hint of irony. But the Raleigh News & Observer political blog ran this headline: “Perdue jokes about suspending congressional elections for two years.” The article itself said it was “unclear” whether Perdue was “serious.”
USA Today’s Catalina Camia, under the headline “N.C. Gov. Perdue: Suspend elections for Congress,” began her report with this benefit-of-the-doubt lead:
“Was North Carolina Gov. Bev Perdue joking when she suggested holding off on elections for Congress?”
Two weeks ago, Barack Obama showed how to play this game. Caught in a hurricane of reaction against his administration’s tyrannical order to Catholic hospitals to offer insurance covering contraceptives, abortifacients and sterilizations, he pretended it was still being negotiated.
“It became clear,” he told a hastily arranged Feb. 10 press conference, “that spending months hammering out a solution was not going to be an option.”
Reality check: Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius in January gave hospitals one year to comply – or else lose federal funding.
A Wall Street Journal editorial noted that when a reporter had asked, “Just to be clear, so it’s giving them a year to comply rather than giving them a year to in any way change how they feel or the Administration to change how it feels,” a senior official replied, “That is correct. It gives them a year to comply.”
The media took no interest in this, uh, contradiction. As the year unfolds, Mr. Obama is counting on them to skate over his prevarications and instead apply a microscope to the Republican candidates, including jokes by supporters.
With that kind of backing, an unscrupulous politician would be tempted to stretch the truth to the point of snapping it in the electorate’s face. Especially someone who spent his formative, community organizing years in Chicago, absorbing the ruthless tactics and contempt for truth expounded by his guiding light, Saul Alinsky.
Mr. Alinsky died in 1972, but his acolytes schooled young Barack Obama. Nobody knows what’s in anyone’s heart except that person and God, but Mr. Alinsky is probably having an interesting afterlife.
In Rules for Radicals, he wrote:
“Lest we forget at least an over-the-shoulder acknowledgement to …. The first radical known to man who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom – Lucifer.”
In the Bible, Jesus describes Lucifer – that is, Satan – as “the father of lies.” Rick Santorum, in a 2008 speech, quoted Jesus on this very point. Now he is being crucified for it by a media that no longer cares for truth.
Apparently inspired by Satan, Alinsky wrote: “All values and factors are relative,” which means you can use lies if they work better than truth.
I had a taste of this in a debate years ago at the University of Tennessee with a top official from the American Civil Liberties Union. We were debating the use of library Internet filters. When I mentioned that the ACLU had sued to force a local government to adopt an ACLU policy, he got laughs by saying that “nothing Mr. Knight says is true, up to and including the words ‘and’, ‘if’ or ‘the.’”
Later, as we rode in a student’s car, I asked him, “You know I told the truth, and yet you misled those students into thinking I had made it up.” He shrugged, grinned and said, “Ah, it worked, didn’t it?”
What we need now is someone who can talk over the intelligentsia’s heads to the American people, who can discern a lie or recognize a joke if given half a chance.
____________________________________________
To read another article by Robert Knight, click here.
The Wizard of ID - Deadbeat Nation
I don't want to live in a deadbeat nation. I want to be free to live my own life. I don't want to be a slave to big government. I don't want to pay for others mistakes - especially government's. I don't want to pay to keep democrats (or republicans) in power. I want the government to get the heck out of my life - they are only making things worse. We need the health insurance we have now, but we will lose it when Obamacare kicks in because our insurance company will not be able to compete with a government that can repeatedly raid the tax payer, print money, or borrow money from China or Japan whenever they need some more. Our government thinks they are too big to fail but they are wrong. When they do fail it will be with the democrats in power. It will be utter chaos while the democrats try to build things back up in their own way - but marxism-socialism has never worked anywhere it's been tried.
The question is - does our country need taxpayers? If nobody is working there will be no taxpayers. If their becomes no incentive to succeed - who would work to succeed? It's been said many times and its true - eventually socialist run out of other people's money - then what? Bankruptcy - that's what.
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To read more about how Obama is making us a deadbeat nation, click here.
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To read a letter from Sen. Marco Rubio (Fla.) to Barack Obama on this subject, click here.
James Delingpole is rude to global warming nuts
James Delingpole is rude to global warming nuts
And he has good reasons for it.
by John Hayward
02/28/2012
James Delingpole at the UK Telegraph relates some tense moments with a “liberal-lefty media luvvie” that led rude behavior on his part:
Sharing a car back from the BBC Big Question debate in Cardiff on Sunday I had a tremendous bust-up with one of my fellow panellists which I think many of you would have enjoyed hugely. (Our driver could barely keep a straight face.)
It was prompted when I very vocally expressed my disgust at one of the standard phrases trotted out by Warmists and other eco-loons in these debates (as, of course, inevitably, they did again on Sunday): the one about "preserving the planet for future generations".
The reason this cant phrase makes me want to throw up every time I hear it is that it's such a grotesque inversion of reality. It's not people on my side of the debate who want to ravage the countryside with wind farms (with no provision for decommissioning them), rein in economic growth, introduce wartime-style rationing, raise taxes, destroy farmland and rainforests to create biofuels, and base heinously expensive public policy on hysteria and junk science. It's not people on my side of the debate who are condemning those "future generations" to a lower standard of living and an uglier environment in order to deal with a problem that doesn't exist. So how dare they have the gall to try to take the moral high ground?
Delingpole’s column, and his asterisk-laced exchange with the global-warming cultist, are well worth reading in full. He makes this especially incisive point about another “disingenuous technique exploited by the liberal-left on these occasions: the evasion of argument by turning the debate into an issue of style and character.”
Their "thinking" goes something along the lines of: "James Delingpole is so rude and unpleasant and right-wing that everything he has to say is evil and I'm amazed he gets paid for this stuff and I just wish someone could shut him up or kill him." Yeah, but never mind what you think of me: that's obvious. Where's your counter to my argument, that's what I'd like to know?
[…] As I note in Watermelons, the global warming scare – the biggest and most expensive outbreak of mass hysteria in history – has enabled some very bad people to do some very wrong things in the name of "saving the planet for future generations". And yet the eco-loons complain about people like me being rude? And they think I'm the one who should be knifed or head-butted?
“Watermelons,” by the way, is Delingpole’s book, subtitled “How the Environmentalists are Killing the Planet, Destroying the Economy, and Stealing Your Children’s Future.” It sounds like it might be somewhat rude in spots. You can get it from Amazon UK at the link above, or there is what I take to be a U.S. paperback and Kindle version from Amazon here.
This observation of Delingpole’s dovetails neatly with the Peter Gleick fraud case, in which a global-warming fanatic used dishonest means to steal documentation from the libertarian Heartland Institute, throwing in a little forgery to “sex up” the story for lefty media outlets. What Gleick was trying to accomplish was to somehow discredit Heartland by making their private donor information public.
That’s exactly the technique Delingpole describes: ending rational debate by portraying one side as somehow too… tawdry to participate. Never mind what the Heartland Institute is actually saying, or what information they reference to buttress their arguments. Never mind that they’re much less rude to the warmists than Delingpole, having gone out of their way to invite Gleick to speak at one of their events. (He declined the invitation, then immediately got busy with what the FBI has now been asked to investigate as identity theft and wire fraud.)
Never mind that Heartland’s funding is a tiny fraction of the cash poured into the big eco-radical operations, or the source of their income streams. (Gleick’s own Pacific Institute got half a million bucks from… you and me, without our consent, courtesy of the Obama EPA. The Most Transparent Administration in History immediately began airbrushing Gleick off its Web pages when he got nailed for fraud.)
What really matters is that Heartland got some money from the evil Koch Brothers, so you shouldn’t listen to them at all. Listen only to groups funded by the Obama Administration, which obviously doesn’t have any sort of agenda! What absolute rot. The totalitarian Left has corrupted the public discussion of science into a pitiful state.
Update: Powerline offers a comprehensive update on the adventures of Peter Gleick this morning. It includes a remarkable comparison between the Heartland Institute's tiny $4.4 million budget last year, and the warmist Climate Works Foundation, which has received six hundred million dollars from a single donor.
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To read another article by John Hayward, click here.
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To read another article about global warming kooks, click here.
And he has good reasons for it.
by John Hayward
02/28/2012
James Delingpole at the UK Telegraph relates some tense moments with a “liberal-lefty media luvvie” that led rude behavior on his part:
Sharing a car back from the BBC Big Question debate in Cardiff on Sunday I had a tremendous bust-up with one of my fellow panellists which I think many of you would have enjoyed hugely. (Our driver could barely keep a straight face.)
It was prompted when I very vocally expressed my disgust at one of the standard phrases trotted out by Warmists and other eco-loons in these debates (as, of course, inevitably, they did again on Sunday): the one about "preserving the planet for future generations".
The reason this cant phrase makes me want to throw up every time I hear it is that it's such a grotesque inversion of reality. It's not people on my side of the debate who want to ravage the countryside with wind farms (with no provision for decommissioning them), rein in economic growth, introduce wartime-style rationing, raise taxes, destroy farmland and rainforests to create biofuels, and base heinously expensive public policy on hysteria and junk science. It's not people on my side of the debate who are condemning those "future generations" to a lower standard of living and an uglier environment in order to deal with a problem that doesn't exist. So how dare they have the gall to try to take the moral high ground?
Delingpole’s column, and his asterisk-laced exchange with the global-warming cultist, are well worth reading in full. He makes this especially incisive point about another “disingenuous technique exploited by the liberal-left on these occasions: the evasion of argument by turning the debate into an issue of style and character.”
Their "thinking" goes something along the lines of: "James Delingpole is so rude and unpleasant and right-wing that everything he has to say is evil and I'm amazed he gets paid for this stuff and I just wish someone could shut him up or kill him." Yeah, but never mind what you think of me: that's obvious. Where's your counter to my argument, that's what I'd like to know?
[…] As I note in Watermelons, the global warming scare – the biggest and most expensive outbreak of mass hysteria in history – has enabled some very bad people to do some very wrong things in the name of "saving the planet for future generations". And yet the eco-loons complain about people like me being rude? And they think I'm the one who should be knifed or head-butted?
“Watermelons,” by the way, is Delingpole’s book, subtitled “How the Environmentalists are Killing the Planet, Destroying the Economy, and Stealing Your Children’s Future.” It sounds like it might be somewhat rude in spots. You can get it from Amazon UK at the link above, or there is what I take to be a U.S. paperback and Kindle version from Amazon here.
This observation of Delingpole’s dovetails neatly with the Peter Gleick fraud case, in which a global-warming fanatic used dishonest means to steal documentation from the libertarian Heartland Institute, throwing in a little forgery to “sex up” the story for lefty media outlets. What Gleick was trying to accomplish was to somehow discredit Heartland by making their private donor information public.
That’s exactly the technique Delingpole describes: ending rational debate by portraying one side as somehow too… tawdry to participate. Never mind what the Heartland Institute is actually saying, or what information they reference to buttress their arguments. Never mind that they’re much less rude to the warmists than Delingpole, having gone out of their way to invite Gleick to speak at one of their events. (He declined the invitation, then immediately got busy with what the FBI has now been asked to investigate as identity theft and wire fraud.)
Never mind that Heartland’s funding is a tiny fraction of the cash poured into the big eco-radical operations, or the source of their income streams. (Gleick’s own Pacific Institute got half a million bucks from… you and me, without our consent, courtesy of the Obama EPA. The Most Transparent Administration in History immediately began airbrushing Gleick off its Web pages when he got nailed for fraud.)
What really matters is that Heartland got some money from the evil Koch Brothers, so you shouldn’t listen to them at all. Listen only to groups funded by the Obama Administration, which obviously doesn’t have any sort of agenda! What absolute rot. The totalitarian Left has corrupted the public discussion of science into a pitiful state.
Update: Powerline offers a comprehensive update on the adventures of Peter Gleick this morning. It includes a remarkable comparison between the Heartland Institute's tiny $4.4 million budget last year, and the warmist Climate Works Foundation, which has received six hundred million dollars from a single donor.
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To read another article by John Hayward, click here.
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To read another article about global warming kooks, click here.
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